Tag Archives: Germany

Letters of General Lev Prchala, 1960-61

With great respect to Army General Lev Prchala and to our grandfather Dr. Pavel Fabry – Czechoslovakian heroes, defenders of democratic freedom, symbols of resistance against nazis and fascists! These are the last letters between them, from 1960, with related documents included. Translations will be added later. Pavel died of a heart attack in Berlin on 19 December 1960, he was 69. Vlado took over the remaining legal work from his father, somehow finding time for it while also working for the UN in the Congo. Vlado’s letter to the General is sent from Hotel Le Royal, Leopoldville (now Kinshasa), 12 March 1961. It brings tears to my eyes how much love they had for their friends, the personal sacrifices they were willing to make for each other – my cup runs over in their memory.

Thanks to Miroslav Kamenik for transcribing and translating all the handwritten letters here!

17.5.60

Vážený pane doktore, drahý příteli,

byl bych Vám nesmírně vděčen, kdybyste mi alespoň několika slovy naznačil jak stojí záležitosti Vašich Londýnských klientů, resp. klientek, které mě svými dotazy stále bombardují.Také bych rád věděl, zda máte v úmyslu se se mnou v Německu viděti, poněvadž čas utíká a můj odlet do Mnichova se blíží. Počítám, že přiletím pravděpodobně 2 nebo 3 června a že se v Mnichově zdržím až týden. Pak bych Vám byl k dispozici a vše závisí z Vašich plánů, kdy a kde byste mě potřeboval.

Těším se na Vaši laskavou odpověď a jsem s ruky políbením milostivé paní a se srdečnými pozdravy

Váš oddaný

Prchala

Dear Doctor, my friend,

I would be extremely grateful if you could give me at least a few words about the state of cases of your London clients, who are constantly bombarding me with their inquiries. I would also like to know whether you intend to see me in Germany, as time is running out and my departure for Munich is approaching. I expect to arrive probably on the 2nd or 3rd of June and to stay in Munich for up to a week. Then I would be at your disposal, and it all depends on your plans, when and where you would need me.

I look forward to your kind reply and I am with a kiss on the hand of your wife and with warm regards

Faithfully your

Prchala

20.5.60

Velevážený pane doktore, drahý příteli,

dnes jsem obdržel letecký lístek London – Mnichov – London od Česko – Sud. Něm federálního výboru pro let dne 2. června 1960.

Poletím tedy ve čtvrtek dne 2. června do Mnichova a zdržím se tam asi týden. Zároveň jsem byl uvědoměn, že čestné pozvánky budou rozposlány v příštích dnech. Doufám, že pozvánku pro sebe a Vaši milostivou obdržíte co nejdříve.

A nyní mám k Vám, vzázcný příteli, jednu velikou prosbu. Abych zde měl pevný důkaz pro nutnost své jízdy do Německa, zašlete mně, prosím, telegram, v němž mě vyzýváte k schůzce v Německu. Dejž Bůh, aby taková schůzka se stala doopravdy možnou.

S ruky políbením velevážené milostivé paní a se srdečnými pozdravy jsem Váš oddaný,

Prchala

Dear Doctor, my friend,

today I received a London – Munich – London ticket from the Czech – SudetenGerman Federal Committee for the flight on June 2, 1960.

I will fly to Munich on Thursday, June 2, and will stay there for about a week. At the same time, I was informed that the honorary invitations will be sent out in the coming days. I hope that you will receive the invitation for yourself and your ladyship as soon as possible.

And now I have one great request for you, dear friend. So that I may have solid proof of the necessity of my journey to Germany, please send me a telegram in which you invite me to a meeting in Germany. God grant that such a meeting may actually become possible.

I am with a kiss on the hand of your wife and with warm regards

Faithfully your

Prchala

28.5.60

Velevážený pane doktore, drahý příteli,

dovolte, abych Vám srdečně poděkoval za telegram, který jsem právě obdržel. Telegrafoval jsem ihned do Mnichova, aby Vám zaslali čestnou pozvánku, o kterou jsem žádal již před několika týdny. Vysvětluji si tuto chybu jedině tím, že Ing. Simon je zavalen prací a pevně doufám, že tento faux pas okamžitě napraví.

Těším se velice na setkání s Vámi a Vaší milostivou paní, které uctivě líbám ruku.

Srdečně Vás zdraví

Váš oddaný

Prchala

P.S. Tatsachenbericht jsem odevzdal pí. S a pí. M. V Mnichově bydlím v hotelu „Esplanade“ naproti hl. nádraží.

Dear Doctor, my friend,

let me to thank you most cordially for the telegram I have just received. I immediately telegraphed to Munich to have the honorary invitation sent to you, which I had requested several weeks ago. I can only explain this mistake by saying that Ing. Simon is overwhelmed with work and I firmly hope that he will rectify this faux pas immediately.

I am very much looking forward to meeting you and your honorable wife, whose hand I respectfully kiss.

Yours sincerely

Prchala

P.S. I handed over the Tatsachenbericht to Mrs. S and Mrs. M. In Munich I live in the hotel “Esplanade” opposite the main station.

9.6.60, München, Hotel Esplanade

Velevážený pane doktore, drahý příteli,

srdečně děkuji za zavolání z Kolína a ze Ženevy. Zítra odjíždím k sestře do Rieneck bei Gemünden / M a tam budu čekat na další Váš rozkaz. Dovolíte-li, pak navrhuji, abychom jeli přímo do Bonnu kde příští týden zasedá Bundestag a ušetřili si zastávku ve Frankfurtu. Souhlasíte-li s tímto mým návrhem, pak očekávám v Rienecku Váš telegr. vzkaz.

Milostivé paní ruku líbám,

Vás, drahý příteli, srdečně zdravím.

Váš oddaný

Prchala

Dear Doctor, my friend,

thank you very much for your call from Cologne and Geneva. Tomorrow I am leaving for my sister in Rieneck bei Gemünden / M and there I will await your further orders. If you allow me, I suggest that we go directly to Bonn where the Bundestag is in session next week and save ourselves a stopover in Frankfurt. If you agree with this proposal of mine, I am expecting your telegram in Rieneck.

Kind kisses to your honorable wife’s hand,

I greet you warmly, my dear friend.

Yours faithfully

Prchala

17.6.60

Velevážený pane doktore, drahý příteli,

srdečné díky za Vaše telegramy z Berlna, z Kolína a z Frankfurtu a též za Váš ctěný dopis „expres“. Mám silné podezření, že jste můj dopis z Mnichova adresovaný Vám do Ženevy neobdržel a že zde vzniklo nedorozumění, jež z Vašeho telegramu z Frankfurtu vysvitá.

Domluvili jsme se sice telefonicky za mého pobytu v Mnichově, že se sejdeme ve Frankfurtu, ale pak jsem Vám poslal dopis, v němž navrhuji schůzku přímo v Bonnu, a to během tohoto týdne. Zapomněl jsem bohužel, že v tomto týdnu jsou 2 svátky, a to 16 a 17 a 18 je sobota a v Bonnu se neúřaduje.

Prosím Vás proto za prominutí a dovoluji si Vám navrhnouti, abychom se sešli v pondělí dne 20. t.m. večer v Bonnu v Bergischer Hof a nebo 21. t.m. ráno tamtéž.

Zaslal jsem Vám dnes telegr. zprávu a návrh a prosím o Vaše laskavé tel. rozhodnutí. Chci z Rienecku odjeti v poledne dne 20. t.m. Doufám, že bonnský parlament bude příští týden zasedat a těším se na shledání s Vámi.

Milostivé uctivě ruku líbá

Vás srdečně zdraví

Váš oddaný

Prchala

Dear Doctor, my friend,

Heartfelt thanks for your telegrams from Berlin, Cologne and Frankfurt and also for your esteemed “express” letter. I strongly suspect that you did not receive my letter from Munich addressed to you in Geneva and that there was a misunderstanding here, which will become clear from your telegram from Frankfurt.

We agreed by telephone during my stay in Munich that we would meet in Frankfurt, but then I sent you a letter in which I propose a meeting directly in Bonn, during this week. Unfortunately, I forgot that there are 2 holidays this week, namely the 16th and 17th and the 18th are Saturdays and there are no offices in Bonn.

Therefore, I beg your pardon and allow me to suggest that we meet on Monday, the 20th, in the evening in Bonn at the Bergischer Hof or on the 21st, in the morning there.

I sent you a telegram today. report and proposal and I ask for your kind decision. I want to leave Rieneck at noon on the 20th. I hope that the Bonn parliament will be in session next week and I look forward to seeing you.

Kind kisses to your honorable wife’s hand,

I greet you warmly, my dear friend.

Yours faithfully

Prchala

3.7.60 (Rieneck)

Velevážený pane doktore, drahý příteli,

sedím stále v Rienecku a čekám na Vaše zavolání. Mám zde již dlouhou chvíli a rád bych se již zas vrátil do Londýna, kde mě žena netrpělivě očekává. Píše mi zoufalé dopisy, poněvadž je nemocná a potřebuje důkladné lékařské vyšetření a léčení, které je v Londýně dosti drahé, když se tomu podrobujete u privátního lékaře a ne na health service, které je zdlouhavé a dosti povrchní. Chudinka nechápe, že zde nelze věci uspíšit více než to děláme a že je třeba míti velikou trpělivost. Doufám, že jste v Kolíně dobře pořídil a že i s našimi záležitostmi se dostaneme o krok dále a to dříve než pánové půjdou opět na svou dovolenou. Očekávám toužebně Vaši laskavou odpověď a jsem s ruky políbením milostivé paní, mému strážnému anděli, a se srdečnými pozdravy Vám, velevážený,

Váš oddaný

Prchala

Dear Doctor, my friend,

I am still sitting in Rieneck and waiting for your call. I have been here for a long time and I would like to return to London, where my wife is impatiently waiting for me. She writes me desperate letters because she is ill and needs a thorough medical examination and treatment, which is quite expensive in London if you undergo it with a private doctor and not with the health service, which is lengthy and rather superficial. My poor wife does not understand that things cannot be rushed here any more than we do and that great patience is needed. I hope that you have made good arrangements in Cologne and that we will also get a step further with our affairs before the gentlemen go on their vacation again. I eagerly await your kind answer, kind kisses to your honorable wife’s hand, my guardian angel,

I greet you warmly, my dear friend.

Yours faithfully

Prchala

8.7.60

Velevážený pane doktore, drahý příteli,

srdečný dík za Váš ctěný list z Baselu z 6. t.m. s přílohami. Včera jsem Vám odeslal dopis do Ženevy s odůvodněním, proč z Rienecku musím začátkem příštího týdne vypadnout (?) a navrhl jsem schůzku v Bonnu 11 nebo 12 t.m. večer. Domnívám se, že když 12 vyjedu, mohu 13 vyřídit svou věc u min. Seebohma a 14 je již beztak konec týdne, takže schůzka 13 večer s Vámi by byla podle mého skromného názoru nejvhodnějším dnem. Račte mi, prosím, ještě telegr. potvrdit, zda Vám 13 večer vyhovuje a já se podle toho zařídím. Milostivé paní uctivě ruku líbá,

Vás, drahý příteli, srdečně zdraví

Váš oddaný

Prchala

Dear Doctor, my friend,

heartfelt thanks for your esteemed letter from Basel of the 6th with attachments. Yesterday I sent you a letter to Geneva with the justification why I have to leave Rieneck at the beginning of next week (?) and I proposed a meeting in Bonn on the 11th or 12th in the evening. I believe that if I leave on the 12th, I can take care of my business with Minister Seebohm on the 13th and the 14th is already the end of the week anyway, so a meeting with you on the 13th evening would be, in my humble opinion, the most suitable day. Please confirm by telegram whether the 13th evening suits you and I will make arrangements accordingly.

Kind kisses to your honorable wife’s hand,

I greet you warmly, my dear friend.

Yours faithfully

Prchala

2.8.60

Velevážený pane doktore, drahý příteli,

potvrzuji s díky Váš ctěný dopis z 23.7.60 a sice teprve dnes, poněvadž jsem čekal, že se Kolín ozve. Bohužel se tak dosud nestalo. Mezitím jsem obdržel dopis od p. ministra Seebohma, jenž mi sděluje, že i jemu bylo A Amtem potvrzeno, že stanovisko AA bylo příznivé a odesláno Regierungspräsidentovi v Kolíně. Po obdržení této odpovědi A-amt spojil se ministr S. S panem Dr. Mirgelerem a žádal jej, aby moje věc byla uspíšena. M. mu to slíbil, ale podotkl, že Kolín se mne ještě jednou dotáže a požádá potvrzení, cituji: „der Staatenhorigkeit, die früher als 1956 vorhanden sein müsste, aber danach mit einer boldigen Entscheidung gerechnet werden könne“. Teď ale už tomu vůbec nerozumím. Vždyť v mé žádosti o rentu podle § 1 BEG výslovně stojí, kdo jsem a co jsem a také to že jsem od roku 1939 staatenlos.

Zlé je, že se jedná byrokratům v Kolíně o nový (???) mé záležitosti a proto Vás snažně prosím, abyste v Kolíně znovu intervenoval, třeba jen telefonicky. Podotýkám, že i na tento dotaz z Kolína dosud čekám. Jakmile se dozvíte, v čem dělo?, pak mi, prosím, ihned napište. Také Vás velmi prosím o sdělení, jak jste dopadl v Berlíně. Já osobně bych Vás s touto žádostí neobtěžoval, ale mí londýnští přátelé mě stále bombardují svými dotazy a moje žena stojí před úplným duševním zhroucením.

Milostivé paní ruku líbá, Vás srdečně zdraví

Váš oddaný

Prchala

Dear Doctor, my friend,

I confirm with thanks your esteemed letter of 23.7.60, replying today, because I was expecting Cologne to respond. Unfortunately, this has not happened yet. In the meantime, I have received a letter from Mr. Minister Seebohm, who informs me that he too was confirmed by the A-Amt that the AA’s opinion was favorable and sent to the Regierungspräsident in Cologne. After receiving this reply from the A-Amt, Minister S. contacted Dr. Mirgeler and asked him to expedite my case. M. promised him this, but pointed out that Cologne would ask me again and ask for confirmation, I quote: “der Staatenhorigkeit, die früher als 1956 vorhanden sein müsste, aber danach mit einer boldigen Entscheidung gerechnet werden könne”. But now I don’t understand it at all. After all, my application for a pension according to § 1 BEG explicitly states who I am and what I am and also that I have been stateless since 1939.

The bad thing is that this is a new (???) of my affairs for the bureaucrats in Cologne and therefore I strongly ask you to intervene again in Cologne, even if only by phone. I would like to point out that I am still waiting for this inquiry from Cologne. As soon as you find out what happened, please write to me immediately. I also ask you to tell me how you ended up in Berlin. I personally would not bother you with this request, but my London friends are constantly bombarding me with their questions and my wife is on the verge of a complete mental breakdown.

Kind kisses to your honorable wife’s hand,

I greet you warmly, my dear friend.

Yours faithfully

Prchala

26.8.60

Velevážený pane doktore, drahý příteli,

přijměte, prosím, můj srdečný dík za Váš dopis z 24.8.60 s přílohami. Upřímně lituji jménem svým jakož i jménem všech Vašich londýnských klientů, že Vám způsobujeme tolik starostí a škodíme Vašemu zdraví.

Dej Bože, abyste se co nejdříve zbavil těchto starostí o návrat a měl konečně trochu času pro léčení svého tak cenného zdraví.

Dr.Höniger obdržel přípis Regierungspräsidenta teprve 8.8.60 a ihned mi jej zaslal. Zařídil jsem okamžitě vše potřebné a včera dne 25.8. jsem již poslal Hönigerovi potvrzení Home Office, že jsem byl Flüchtling (ode) dne 1.10.53 ve smyslu Ženevské konvence z roku 51 a že moje residence je ve Velké Británii. Byl jsem také na zdejším německém velvyslanectví kvůli lékařské prohlídce. Ale tam mi bylo řečeno, že Köln musí znovu o ní požádat a to jsem také sdělil Hönigerovi s prosbou, aby Köln o tom ihned vyrozuměl. Vrátil jsem mu také přípis Regierungspräsidenta, který měl číslo: 14.II.-6-673-674 28.8.60. Napíšu mu ihned, aby Vám tento přípis poslal do Ženevy.

Přílohy pro paní Locherovou a paní Malíkovou jim co nejdříve odevzdám a s Dr. Paulínym si smluvím schůzku.

Ještě jednou Vám, drahý příteli, srdečně děkuji a vyprošuji si ruky políbení Vaší vzácné manželce.

Se srdečným pozdavem

jsem Váš oddaný

Prchala

Dear Doctor, my friend

please accept my heartfelt thanks for your letter of 24.8.60 with the enclosures. I sincerely regret, on my own behalf and on behalf of all your London clients, that we are causing you so much trouble and harming your health.

May God grant that you may be rid of these worries about returning as soon as possible and finally have some time to treat your precious health.

Dr. Höniger received the Regierungspräsident’s letter only on 8.8.60 and sent it to me immediately. I immediately arranged everything necessary and yesterday, 25.8. I already sent Höniger a confirmation from the Home Office that I was a Flüchtling (from) on 1.10.53 within the meaning of the Geneva Convention of 51 and that my residence is in Great Britain. I also went to the German embassy here for a medical examination. But I was told there that Cologne had to apply for it again and I also told Höniger about this, asking that Cologne understand this immediately. I also returned to him the letter from the Regierungspräsident, which had the number: 14.II.-6-673-674 28.8.60. I will write to him immediately to send this letter to you in Geneva.

I will hand over the enclosures for Mrs. Locherová and Mrs. Malíková to them as soon as possible and I will arrange a meeting with Dr. Paulíny.

Once again, my dear friend, I thank you heartily and with a hand kiss to your honorable wife

Yours faithfully

Prchala

16.9.60

Velevážený pane doktore, drahý příteli,

mám za to, že jste již opět v Ženevě a doufám, že Vás svým dopisem neobtěžuji. Doufám také, že jste si po tak namáhavé práci alespoň trochu odpočinul a že zdravotně se cítíte nyní lépe.

O obsahu Vašeho telegramu a dopisu nás již podrobně informoval přítel Dr. A a nezbývá než Vás obdivovat a Vám za Vaši obětavou práci mnohokráte děkovat. Zdá se, že to teď již dlouho trvat nebude a že vbrzku dojednáte věci definitivně.

Mě osobně velmi znepokojuje mlčení Kolína. Nedostal jsem dosud ani „Erklärung“, který jsem měl podepsat, ani povolání k lékařské prohlídce. Höniger sice slíbil, že po své dovolené, která končila 6.9., zajede do Kolína a o mé věci osobně pohovoří s Reg. Presidentem, ale dosud jsem bez zprávy jak z Kolína tak od Hönigera. A proto Vás prosím, abyste Vy se na to ještě jednou podíval, a to proto, poněvad6 Vám věří a vím, že bez Vaší intervence se nic nevyřídí.

Milostivé paní uctivě ruku líbám, Vás, drahý příteli, srdečně zdravím

a jsem Váš oddaný

Prchala

Dear Doctor, my friend,

I believe you are back in Geneva and I hope I am not bothering you with my letter. I also hope that you have at least rested a little after such strenuous work and that you are now feeling better in health.

We have already been informed in detail about the content of your telegram and letter by our friend Dr. A and there is nothing left but to admire you and thank you many times for your dedicated work. It seems that it will not be long now and that you will soon arrange things definitively.

I am personally very concerned about the silence of Cologne. I have not yet received either the “Erklalung” that I was supposed to sign or the summons for a medical examination. Honiger promised that after his vacation, which ended on September 6, he would go to Cologne and personally discuss my case with the Prime Minister, but I have still not heard from either Cologne or Honiger. And that’s why I’m asking you to take another look at it, because I trust you and I know that nothing will be resolved without your intervention.

Kind kisses to your honorable wife’s hand,

I greet you warmly, my dear friend.

Yours faithfully

Prchala

22.3.61

Vysoce vážená milostivá paní,

promiňte, když na Váš milý dopis ze 7. t.m. odpovídám teprve dnes, ale byl jsem v Německu a vrátil jsem se teprve koncem minulého týdne. Byl jsem v Bonnu, ve Stuttgartu a Mnichově a všude mě doprovázely vzpomínky na milovaného přítele Dr. Fábryho, jenž padl ve službě pro své blízké. Jen jeho genialitě a krajní obětavosti máme co děkovat, že byly dosažena výsledky, o nichž se nikomu z nás, jeho klientů, ani nesnilo. Ale co pak znamenají všechny poklady tohoto světa, které vždy možno nahradit, oproti ztrátě milovaného manžela, otce a přítele?

Stále ještě se nemohu smířit s jeho odchodem a mrzí mne, že jsem mu nemohl osobně poděkovat za jeho vzácnoua opravdu přátelskou službu, kterou prokázal mi a mé rodině.

V sobotu dne 20. t.m. obdržel jsem dopis od pana Dr. Vladimíra z Conga. Upřímně ho lituji a doufám, že se vrátí zdráv a co nejdříve z tohoto afrického pekla. Potvrzuje mi to, co mi před týdnem vyřídila telefonicky Vaše milostivá slečna dcera a paní Tágová, od níž jsem dostal dopis po svém příjezdu z Německa. Doufám, že koncem května budu opět v Bonnu a pak si dovolím zaslat Vám, milostivá, zbytek svého dluhu z druhé částky náhrady, která, jak předpokládám, bude do té doby už určitě v mé bance v Bonnu.

V červnu pak chci opět na léčení do Bad Kissingen. Žena tam chce také, ale teprve v srpnu, poněvadž někdo z nás zde musí zůstat. Takový je předpisCzech Trust Fundu, v jehož domě chceme bydlet i nadále. Do Ženevy se podívám až budu míti britský pas, což bude někdy na podzim.

Srdečně Vás, milostivá paní, oba zdravíme, já uctivě ruku líbám a jsem

Váš oddaný

Prchala

Dear Madam,

I apologize for only replying to your kind letter of the 7th, but I was in Germany and only returned at the end of last week. I was in Bonn, Stuttgart and Munich and everywhere I was accompanied by memories of my beloved friend Dr. Fábry, who fell in the service of his loved ones. It is only to his genius and extreme dedication that we have something to thank for that results were achieved that none of us, his clients, could even dream of. But what are all the treasures of this world, which can always be replaced, compared to the loss of a beloved husband, father and friend?

I still cannot come to terms with his passing and I regret that I was not able to thank him personally for his precious and truly friendly service that he rendered to me and my family.

On Saturday, the 20th, I received a letter from Dr. Vladimír from Congo. I sincerely feel sorry for him and hope that he will return safely and as soon as possible from this African hell. I am confirmed by what your gracious daughter and Mrs. Tágová told me by telephone a week ago, from whom I received a letter after my arrival from Germany. I hope that I will be in Bonn again at the end of May and then I will take the liberty of sending you, my lady, the rest of my debt from the second amount of compensation, which, as I assume, will certainly be in my bank in Bonn by then.

In June I want to go to Bad Kissingen again for treatment. My wife also wants to go there, but not until August, because one of us has to stay here. This is the regulation of the Czech Trust Fund, in whose house we want to continue living. I will travel to Geneva when I have a British passport, which will be sometime in the autumn.

We both warmly greet you, dear Madam, I respectfully kiss your hand and I am

Yours faithfully

Prchala

From Gen. Lev Prchala to Vladimir Fabry, 22 March 1961:

22.3.61

Dear Doctor,

Thank you very much for your esteemed letter of 12.3.61, which I received only on the 20th of this month, just after sending my letter to Mrs. Tagova. She sent me the letter on 7.3.61, while I was in Germany, and asked me only for a short statement that I agreed with the expert’s estimate of 6,425DM. I sent this to her immediately after my return, i.e. on the 20th of this month, with my notarized signature. She did not ask for a power of attorney from me, because she hopes that it will be possible to do without a “Vergleich”. I also promised her a special reward for the work connected with this case, which I will pay her as soon as I am back in Germany at the end of May.

I hope that you will also return soon from this African hell and that we will see each other either here in London or in Germany. Just in case, I would ask you to kindly tell me how much I still owe you, so that I can transfer the money to your gracious mother from my account in Bonn, where I will be during the Whitsun holidays. By then, another order from Berlin will probably be there and I will be given the opportunity to pay my debt.

Excuse me if I do not ask you how you are doing in Congo, because I can imagine what you are going through there.

I wish you much success and good health and send you my warmest regards

Yours faithfully

Prchala

From Prchala to Madam Olga Fabry-Palka, 23 February 1961:

Bonn, Hotel Krone. 23.2.61

Dear Madam,

I am in Bonn. I could be happy, but the memories of my dear friend, Dr. Fabry, do not leave me and sadness returns to my heart.

Thank you very much for your telegram, which I received in London before my departure. Without your kind permission, I took the liberty of sending to your address a small sum as a contribution to the monument to a dear and esteemed friend. I hope you will forgive me and with a hand kiss I am

Yours faithfully

Prchala

From the Czechoslovak Desk of Radio Free Europe, Munich, 13 December 1960

Here is a unique letter from Dr. Samuel Bellus to Vlado’s sister Olga (Olinka) – he calls her ‘Olichka’ – sent 13 December 1960. At this time, Radio Free Europe became a European-based organization, it had been headquartered in New York.

13. December 1960

Dear Olichka,

Thank you very much for your letter. Don’t be angry that I didn’t get back to you sooner, but I really had a lot of work to do. A very turbulent time has passed us by. Ralph will surely tell you later.

Rudko and Fedor [Hodza] were here and we remembered you. Do you already know exactly when you will come here? Write me an appointment soon so I can relax. I would like to point out that I won’t be able to take even the shortest vacation, because I really can’t move away from Munich.

I will remember you at Christmas and I hope you remember me. Have a good time, Olichka.

Yours

Samuel

Envelopes found from Free Europe Committee, Two Park Avenue, New York 16, NY, sent to Dr. Pavel Fabry, in Geneva, Switzerland. Radio Free Europe was created through the efforts of the National Committee for a Free Europe, later known as Free Europe Committee, formed in New York by Allen Dulles who was head of the CIA. Until 1971, RFE was secretly funded by the CIA.

More details on Free Europe Committee history from Martin Nekola, Charles University in Prague:

“Looking back at the FEC as a shelter for prominent émigrés who used its resources and facilities to fight communism from abroad, the Committee can be considered a very unique organization with a specific role in the Cold War history. The number of people involved, the expenses incurred, and the efforts to get the FEC into the U.S. public awareness all serve as evidence of this. The émigrés relied on their “American friends” in the early Cold War years, believing in the possibility of defeating communism in Europe. However, after the failed Hungarian uprising in the fall 1956 that was violently suppressed by Soviet tanks, the mood among East-European exile communities dramatically changed. The émigrés realized that the West would not intervene directly in favor of an opposition group in a country within the Soviet sphere of influence. As a result, their expectations, along with the Free Europe Committee’s importance, gradually diminished.

Nevertheless, the legacy of the organization, sometimes called the “unofficial Department of U.S. propaganda” is not entirely forgotten. More than two decades after the fall of the Iron Curtain, Radio Free Europe still broadcasts in twenty-one countries, and Captive Nations Week—marked every year in July—serves as a reminder of the suffering of many nations still living in undemocratic conditions.”

The next document was first shared here on 30 April 2013, exactly 12 years ago today. From Dr. Samuel Bellus, a sworn statement on behalf of Mrs. OIga Viera Fabry-Palka (Vlado’s mother), 30 September 1956:

I, Samuel Bellus, of 339 East 58th Street, New York 22, New York, hereby state and depose as follows:

That this statement is being prepared by me at the request of Mrs. Olga Viera Fabry, nee Palka, who formerly resided in Bratislava, Czechoslovakia, but since 1948 has become a political refugee and at present resides at 14, Chemin Thury, Geneva, Switzerland;

That I have known personally the said Mrs. Olga Viera Fabry and other members of her family and have maintained a close association with them since the year 1938, and that I had opportunity to observe directly, or obtain first hand information on, the events hereinafter referred to, relating to the persecution which Mrs. Olga Viera Fabry and the members of her family had to suffer at the hands of exponents of the Nazi regime;

That in connection with repeated arrests of her husband, the said Mrs. Fabry has been during the years 1939 – 1944 on several occasions subject to interrogations, examinations and searches, which were carried out in a brutal and inhumane manner by members of the police and of the “Sicherheitsdienst” [SD -TB] with the object of terrorizing and humiliating her;

That on a certain night on or about November 1940 Mrs. Fabry, together with other members of her family, was forcibly expelled and deported under police escort from her residence at 4 Haffner Street, Bratislava, where she was forced to leave behind all her personal belongings except one small suitcase with clothing;

That on or about January 1941 Mrs. Fabry was ordered to proceed to Bratislava and to wait in front of the entrance to her residence for further instructions, which latter order was repeated for several days in succession with the object of exposing Mrs. Fabry to the discomforts of standing long hours without protection from the intense cold weather and subjecting her to the shame of making a public show of her distress; and that during that time humiliating and derisive comments were made about her situation in public broadcasts;

That the constant fear, nervous tension and worry and the recurring shocks caused by the arrests and deportations to unknown destinations of her husband by exponents of the Nazi regime had seriously affected the health and well-being of Mrs. Fabry during the years 1939 – 1944, so that on several such occasions of increased strain she had to be placed under medical care to prevent a complete nervous breakdown; and

That the facts stated herein are true to the best of my knowledge and belief.

Samuel Bellus

Letter From General Lev Prchala, 11 October 1956

Happy birthday to Czechoslovak politician and Army General Lev Prchala, born on 23 March 1892! He sent this handwritten letter and his Curriculum Vitae to Pavel Fabry in 1956 from London, where he was living in exile. I have included the typewritten response from Pavel confirming that he will represent General Prchala for “Compensation for Persecution”.

*Update 14 May 2025: This post has been moved to the top of the page, the previous post was deleted. My sincere appreciation to Miroslav Kamenik, who kindly sent me his translation of Gen. Prchala’s letter and C.V., which I have transcribed here – thank you!

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“11 Oct 1956
Dear Doctor,
First of all, let me kindly thank you for your warm greetings forwarded to me by our friend Dr. Pauliny-Toth. He also stated you were ready to take care about my case by West-German offices. As you know, it is about a compensation for losses suffered in my property, service pension [MK – soldier], health of myself and my wife and possible some kind of pension.
Attached is my CV as well, let me kindly ask you about the estimated costs related with my case. My personal circumstances are not such that I could send you the usual fee and advance payment for expenses. Of course, I am ready to cover your fee and all costs when the result of my case will be positive [MK – i.e. from future profit].
Awaiting your kind reply,
Yours faithfully,
Prchala”

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“C.V.

*23 March 1892 [born] in Polska Ostrava, Frydek area, Silesia [MK – Empire of Austria-Hungary]

Roman Catholic, married with Lucie Seebode *9 August 1901 Kuokkala Finland, resident in St. Petersburg (Russia), evangelical

Children – son Ladislav Vladimir *5 Feb 1920 in Batarejnaja, Siberia (Russia), now resident in Buenos Aires, Argentina; daughter Lucie Marie *29 July 1921, died 9 Oct 1936 in Kosice [MK – Slovakia today]

Education – Gymnazium [MK – classic high school] with exam; 4 semesters of Law in Vienna; Military school in Paris 1921-23

April 1914 – activated in Inf. Regiment 13 in Krakow [MK – Cracovia, Poland today], sergeant.

August 1914 till June 1916 in the field/ eastern front of WWI

Since June 1916 in Russian captivity, in rank of lieutenant

June 1917 till August 1920 in Czechoslovak legion in Russia (or Siberia), then returned to newly established Czechoslovakia in rank of Colonel, as the commander of the III. Czechoslovak division in Russia [MK – in charge of retreating battles, towards to Vladivostok]

Autumn 1923 till autumn 1925 commander of the 1st mountain brigade in Ruzomberok [MK – Slovakia today], since autumn 1924 in rank of Brigade General

1925 till 1931 Commander of the XII. Inf. Division in Uzhorad [MK – or Uzhhorod, in Ruthenia/Subcarpathian Ukraine/Russia in Czechoslovak times, now part of Ukraine], since 1927 in rank of Division General

Autumn 1931 till autumn 1933 Deputy Chief of Staff in Prague

Nov 1933 till 1938 Army Commander in Kosice [MK – Provincial/Land’s military commander in Slovakia +Ruthenia], since January 1935 in rank of Army General [MK – highest rank]

September 1938 Commander of IV. Army in Brno in time of Munich [MK – expected attack from 3rd Reich, Prchala in the area of most expected fights]

Since 5 October 1938 till till 19 January 1939 Commander of Army in Slovakia

19 Jan 1939 appointed minister of the II. Czechoslovak Republic for Subcarpathia [MK – 1 of 3 ministers of this part of CZ]

16 March 1939, after 15th when Czechoslovakia had been occupied by Germans, Lev Prchala turns back to Prague to newly established so-called Protektorat Bohmen und Mahren and has been forced into retirement. It is prohibited to leave the Protektorat, possible only with special approval by German Military office.

25 May 1939 fled secretly to Poland, with wife and son, where he organized the Czechoslovak Legion for the fight against Hitler.

17 September 1939 arrested by Soviets in eatern Galicia [MK – most probably Zalishchyky in todays Ukraine, history was not very kind in/to this area…], then released and passed to Romania.

27 October 1939 till June 1940 in France, in June fled to England – since 26 June 1940 in UK, living in London [MK – next words not fully legible, probably meaning “stateless, on state support”, this corresponds with the date of Prchala’s naturalization officially done by UK in 1961]

Army general had to escape from Protektorat in May 1939 in order to avoid capture/avoid death by execution, because he was the only General of Czechoslovak army strongly against the capitulation to Hitler, well known to the people of Czech lands, and Gestapo as well. Many personal damages and harm are connected to the escape. He left all his belongings which he had acquired and saved in 20 years, and was exposed to persecution and harassment by the Czechoslovak capitulators like Dr. Benes and his followers, even in friendly foreign countries. The result is not only material but also in the matter of the failing health, including his wife. She had to pass two operations and suffers nervous disease [MK-?], he suffers from angina pectoris.

Material losses: Four room flat + kitchen + office equipment: furniture, carpets, clothes, silver, porcelain, glass incl. Crystal glass, piano, paintings, books, 6 Persian carpets – 150,000Kc [MK – Czechoslovak Crowns in 1938 prices] and 40,000Kc in shares and cash.

Losses due to the forced retirement between May 1939 and May 1945 about 600,000Kc [MK – other potential losses unknown, not legible]

Lev Prchala, London, 11 Oct 1956″

Translation: Miroslav Kamenik/10.4.2025

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Letters from General Lev Prchala, 1958

Here are more letters from General Lev Prchala to Dr. Pavel Fabry (Vlado’s father) from 1958. I have also included duplicates of letters from Pavel. Thank you to Miroslav Kamenik for translating many of the letters here!

From Lev Prchala, 29.3.58

Vážený pane doktore, drahý příteli,

již dlouho jsem Vám nepsal. Byl jsem dosti vážně churav a ještě dnes nejsem ve své kůži. Trpím rheumatickými bolestmi svalstva a rychlým úbytkem váhy. Není vyloučeno, že je to ve spojení se zdejším podnebím, je však také možné, že jde současně o neuralgii způsobenou celkovým stavem mých nervů. Nebylo by divu, povážím-li co jsem za svého života musel unésti. Právě nejnověji mému zdravotnímu stavu a nervovému systému neprospěl dopis Regierungspräsidenta z Köllnu, jehož opis přikládám.

Byl bych Vám velmi povděčen, kdybyste mi laskavě co nejdříve oznámil svůj názor a poradil, co dále dělat. Doufám, vážený pane doktore, že jste alespoň Vy zdráv v lepším švýcarském klimatu a jsem se srdečným pozdravem

Váš oddaný

Prchala

Dear Doctor, dear friend,

I have not written to you for a long time. I have been quite seriously ill and am still not myself today (in my senses?). I suffer from rheumatic muscle pains and rapid weight loss. It is not impossible that this is connected with the local climate, but it is also possible that it is at the same time neuralgia caused by the general condition of my nerves. It would not be surprising, considering what I have had to endure in my lifetime. Most recently, my health and nervous system have not benefited from the letter from the Regierungspräsident of Köln (Cologne, Germany), a copy of which I enclose.

I should be very grateful if you would kindly let me know your opinion as soon as possible and advise me what to do next. I hope, dear Doctor, that you at least are well in the better climate of Switzerland, and I am with cordial regards

Your devoted

Prchala

[Translation: Miroslav Kamenik / 17.4.2025]

From Pavel Fábry, 5.mája 1958 (5 May)

Typewritten in Slovak language

Vysokovážený pán Generál,

Vzácný Priateľu!

S netrpezlivosťou očakávate moje oznámené riadky. Chápem velmi dobře situáciu. Ale ako z priloženého záznamu napamäť vidíte, nelením, ale na každom mieste a kroku sa starám, aby sa otázka riešila. Tým referentom je nie kuzávidieniu. Na jednej strane státisíc žiadostí a na druhej strane denne dostávajú úpravy a úpravy, ako prísne vposudzovaní pokračovať. Žialbohu sú medzi nimi aj rôzne elementy, ktoré sa cítia v minulosti dotčení, keď sa oprenasledovaní nácistmi jedná. Ťažko o tom písať.

Tendencia, aby sa pokračovalo nie na odškodnění z politických dôvodov, ale z dovodu národnosti má svoje úspornépozadie, lebo tam sú odškodnenia veľmi nízke.

Preto musíme držať líniu politického dovodu. Nuž veď politický minister bol pre politické smýšlania prenásledovaný. Veď Bundestagsabgerdneter Wenzel Jaksch v jeho objemnej knihe /520 strán/ Vás viackráť spomína a posledná spomienka je na Vašu politickú činnost a úlohu na Východe Republiky.

Velmi by bylo záhodné, aby sme sa sišli. Viem, že sú to veľké náklady – ale myslím že do Paríža by to nebol veľký výdavok. Prípadne v Bonne / dačím by som aj ja preddávkove prispel/ a prebrali by sme to v rámci mojho memoranda – v ktorom Ste medzi šiestimi – a prehovorili s Prezidentom Wiedergutmachungs Kommission des Bundestages a samým poslancom Jakschom. Prosím Vás mne v tomto smere podať Váš náhľad a dobu, kedy by sme sa mohli stretnúť. Nemajtežiadne pochybnosti že odškodnenie dostanete.

Pri tejto príležitosti by som chcel aj žiadost Rückerstattungu podať – mám ju pripravenú, len chcem niektoré otázky prehovoriť.

Očekávajúc Vaše vzácné zprávy a pokyny zdravím Vás čo najsrdečnejšie do skorého videnia

Váš (not signed Fábry)

Highly Exalted General,

Dear Friend!

You eagerly await my announced lines. I understand the situation very well. But as you can see from the enclosed memoir, I am not lying, but at every place and step I am making sure that the issue is addressed. Those clerks are not to be envied. On the one hand, hundreds of thousands of applications and on the other hand, they receive daily adjustments and modifications as to how strictly to proceed in the assessment. Unfortunately, there are various elements among them who feel aggrieved by the Nazi persecution in the past. Hard to write about it.

The tendency to continue not on reparations on political grounds but on grounds of nationality has its economical background, for there the reparations are very low.

Therefore, we must hold the line on political grounds. Well, after all, a political Minister has been persecuted for his political views. After all, Bundestagsabgeordneter (MK – member of Parliament) Wenzel Jaksch mentions you several times in his voluminous book /520 pages/ and the last memory is of your political activity and role in the East of the Republic.

It would be very convenient for us to get together. I know it’s a big expense – but I don’t think it would be a big expense to go to Paris. Possibly in Bonn / I would also make a contribution in advance / and we would discuss it within the framework of my memorandum – in which you are one of the six – and talk to the President of the Wiedergutmachungs Kommission of the Bundestags and to the Member Jaksch himself. I would ask you to give me your insight in this regard and a time when we could meet. Have no doubt that you will receive compensation.

I would also like to take this opportunity to make a request to the Rückerstattung – I have it ready, but I just want to ask a few questions.

In anticipation of your kind messages and instructions I greet you most cordially until I see you soon

Yours (not signed Fábry)

[Translation: Miroslav Kamenik / 17.4.2025]

From Lev Prchala, 14.V.1958

66, St. George’s Drive, London SW1

Vysoce vážený pane doktore, drahý příteli!

Srdečný dík za Váš dopis ze dne 5.V. t.r. (MK – 5. května tohoto roku). Plně s Vámi souhlasím, že se musíme držet politických důvodů v mé záležitosti. Souhlasím také s Vámi, že je nutné, abychom se sešli. Domnívám se, že nejlepší místo pro nai schůzku by byl Bonn. Byl jsem totiž pozván do Stuttgartu na Sudetskoněmecký sjezd a mám již volnou letenku do Stuttgartu. Jedná se nyní o to, kdy bonnský parlament bude zasedat, abychom tam našli Jaksche a Frenzla – zda to bude v posledním týdnu květnovém anebo v prvním týdnu v červnu. Snažil jsem se to již vypátrat, ale ani na telegram, ani na telefon nedostalo se mi odpovědi. Proto navrhuji: až se to dozvím ve Stuttgartu, zaslal bych Vám okamžitě o tom telegrafickou zprávu, v níž bych také navrhl den naší schůzky v Bonnu. Můj telegram můžete očekávat dne 23.V. t.r. – Vás bych pak, Vážený pane doktore prosil, abyste mi telegraficky sdělil, zda s mým návrhem souhlasíte.

Dnes se uvidím s Dr. Paulinym a budu jej informovat o Vašem dopisu.

Očekávaje Vaši laskavou odpověď ještě do Londýna,

jsem se srdečným pozdravem

Váš oddaný

Prchala

Highly respected doctor, dear friend!

Sincere thanks for your letter of 5.V. this year (MK – 5 May this year). I fully agree with you that we must stick to political considerations in my matter. I also agree with you that it is imperative that we meet. I believe that the best place to meet would be Bonn. I have been invited to Stuttgart for the Sudeten German Congress and I already have a free ticket to Stuttgart. The question now is when the Bonn parliament will meet so that we can find Jaksch and Frenzel there – whether it will be in the last week of May or the first week of June. I have already tried to find out, but neither the telegram nor the telephone has been answered. I therefore suggest that when I hear about this in Stuttgart, I should send you a telegraphic message immediately, in which I would also suggest a date for our meeting in Bonn. You can expect my telegram on the 23rd of May – I would then ask you, Dear Doctor, to tell me by telegraph whether you agree with my proposal.

I shall see Dr. Pauliny today and inform him of your letter.

Expecting your kind reply still to London,

I am your devoted

Prchala

[Translation: Miroslav Kamenik / 17.4.2025]

From Lev Prchala, 19.6.1958

t.č. Rieneck 235 bei Gemünden am Main

Vysoce vážený pane doktore, drahý příteli,

přijměte, prosím, ještě jednou můj srdečný dík za Vaši obětavou a přátelskou pomoc. Můj krátký pobyt v Bonnuve společnosti Vaší milostivé paní choti a Vaší mně zůstane ještě dlouho milou vzpomínkou na vzácné lidi a krásné Slovensko. V příloze dovoluji si zaslati 6 mnou podepsaných formulářů a jsem s ruky políbením a se srdečným pozdravem

Váš

Prchala

PS: 27. t.m. budu již zpět v Londýně, 2 Cleve Rd., NW6

(at that time) Rieneck 235 bei Gemünden am Main (Germany)

Dear Doctor, dear friend,

please accept once again my heartfelt thanks for your dedicated and friendly help. My short stay in Bonn in the company of your gracious wife and your [daughter – TB] will remain for a long time a pleasant memory of the precious people and beautiful Slovakia. Enclosed I take the liberty of sending you 6 forms signed by me and with my hand kisses and warm regards

Yours

Prchala

PS: I shall be back in London, 2 Cleve Rd., NW6 on the 27th of this month.

[Translation: Miroslav Kamenik / 17.4.2025]

no date – Karlspreis / Sudetendeutscher Tag Stuttgart, 25.5.1958???

(Reichsbahn-Hotel & Bahnhof-Turmhotel Stuttgart, Hans Loeble)

Vysoce vážený pane doktore, drahý příteli,

vracím Vám tímto mnou podepsanou kopii (zázrkami?). Lituji, že jste nebyl přítomen na dnešní evropské oslavě, která se mimo každé očekávání skvěle vydařila. Mluvil jsem s poslancem Frenzelem a smluvil s ním schůzku na 10.6.1958 v Bonnském parlamentě. Jakše jsem nestihl, poněvadž odjel na pohřeb svého bratra, který prý náhle zemřel. Těším se na shledanou s Vámi v Bonnu a to dne 10.6.1958. Budu bydlet v hotelu Krone (?) naproti hlavnímu nádraží.

Milostivé paní ruku líbám, Vás srdečně zdraví Váš oddaný

Prchala

PS: Přeji Vám i Vaší milostivé paní chotišťastnou cestu.

Highly respected doctor, dear friend,

I hereby return to you a copy signed by me (by miracles?). I regret that you were not present at today’s European celebration, which, beyond all expectations, was a great success. I have spoken to MEP Frenzel and arranged a meeting with him on 10 June 1958 in the Bonn Parliament. I was unable to meet Jakš because he had gone to attend the funeral of his brother, who is said to have died suddenly. I look forward to seeing you in Bonn on 10.6.1958. I will be staying at the Hotel Krone (?) opposite the main station.

I kiss your gracious lady’s hand and send you my heartfelt greetings from your devoted

Prchala

PS: I wish you and your gracious lady a happy journey

[Translation: Miroslav Kamenik / 17.4.2025]

From Lev Prchala, 2.7.1958

Vážený pane doktore, drahý příteli,

srdečný dík za Váš ctěný dopis z 28.6.1958, jakož i za přílohu, kterou Vám přiloženě vracím. Děkuji také za lístek z Gemünden, který mi zaslala Vaše milostivá paní choť do Rienecku. Nyní jsem opět v tom zaplakaném Londýně a marně vzpomínám na krásné chvíle, které jsem v Bonnu prožil va Vaší a Vaší milostivé paní společnosti. Dejž Bože, aby páni v Kölnu moji žádost příznivě posoudili. Pak bych měl po starostech a letěl bych rovnou do Ženevy, abych Vám, vážený pane doktore, osobně poděkoval a milostivé paní složil svou poklonu. V Německu jsem obdržel také dopis od svého přítele Dr. Hönigera, bývalého majora justiční služby v Košicích, v němž mi sděluje, že chce s Vámi navázat spojení a dát své služby k Vaší disposici. Je to velmi čestný chlap, sportovec, který po Mnichově vydržel v armádě až do posledního okamžiku a nechal se pak pensionovat. Rozhodně nepatřil k těm Němcům, kteří v neštěstí ??? opouštěli potápějící se loď.

Milostivé paní ruku líbá, Vás srdečně zdraví, Váš oddaný

Prchala

Dear Doctor, dear friend,

my heartfelt thanks for your esteemed letter of 28.6.1958, as well as for the enclosure which I am returning to you. Thank you also for the note from Gemünden, which your kind wife sent me in Rieneck. I am now back in that weepy London and I am vainly recalling the beautiful moments I spent in Bonn in your and your gracious wife’s company. God grant that the gentlemen in Cologne may consider my application favourably. Then my worries would be over, and I would fly straight to Geneva to thank you personally and to pay my respects to your ladyship. In Germany I also received a letter from my friend Dr. Höniger, a former major in the judicial service in Košice, in which he tells me that he wishes to make contact with you and place his services at your disposal. He is a very honest man, a sportsman, who after Munich lasted in the army until the last moment and then retired. He certainly wasn’t one of those Germans who abandoned a sinking ship in a disaster.

I kiss the hand of the gracious lady, I greet you warmly, your devoted

Prchala

[Translation: Miroslav Kamenik / 17.4.2025]

From Lev Prchala, 22.VIII.1958

2, Cleve Rd. London NW6

Vážený pane doktore, drahý příteli!

Srdečný dík za lístek z Bonnu a za Váš ctěný dopis ze dne 17. t.m. ze Ženevy. Je mi opravdu líto, že došlo k nedorozumění ohledně mého zastoupení. Došlo k tomu tak, že po Vašem odjezdu ze Stuttgartu mne navštívil Dr. Höniger, jejž jsem požádal o svědectví ve věci mého pronásledování z politických důvodů. Dr. Höniger byl totiž majorem justiční služby v Košcích a může býti důležitým svědkem v mé věci.

Bohužel Dr. Höniger, který je nyní sám advokátem v Západním Německu (bydlí v blízkosti Stuttgartu), učinil více – ve saze mně prospět. Než jsem od něho žádal. Ukázal jsem mu při osobním setkání odpověď kolínského presidenta a tu Dr. Höniger – ač jsem jej výslovně upozornil, že Vy jste mým právním zástupcem a požádal, aby se s Vámi přími dorozuměl – napsal přímo Regierungspresidentovi dopis z 12.6.1958 o prodloužení lhůty. Při tom – patrně, aby svou intervenci blíže odůvodnil, užil – jak z opisu vidno – rčení, že jsem jej „pověřil péčí o mé zájmy“.

Není pochyby, že tak učinil v nejlepším úmyslu v obavě, aby nebyla promeškána lhůta. Bylo by mně velmi líto, kdybyste se z toho důvodu rozhněval na mne nebo na Dr. Hönigera. Sám Vás prosím, abyste mi laskavě prominul, jestliže jsem snad věc „zbabral“, ale současně, abyste se na Dr. Hönigera nezlobil, že Vám hned nenapsal, jak bylo jeho povinností a oč jsem jej také požádal. Na druhé straně by však bylo opravdu škoda, nepoužít jeho služeb a rozsáhlých styků, které mi nabídl ochotně ze staré známosti. Ostatně si vzpomínám, že po návratu do Londýna jsem se Vám zmínil o Dr. Hönigerovi v dopise, který jsem Vám hned napsal. Nyní napíši Dr. Hönigerovi do Winnenden znovu, aby neopomenul přímo s Vámi se dorozumět o meritu věci. Byl bych opravdu šťasten, kdybyste se dohodli o spolupráci a společném postupu.

Dr. Locherovi jsem vyřídil Vaše vzkazy. Byl však v posledních týdnech opět churav srdeční chorobou, vzniklou z loňského úrazu. Slíbil však, že Vám napíše přímo, jakmile zdravotní stav mu dovolí.

Ještě jednou Vám děkuji za Vaši neúnavnou péči a obětavou činnost za nás všechny a jsem s rukypolíbením milostivé paní

Váš oddaný

Prchala

Dear Doctor, dear friend!

My sincere thanks for the note from Bonn and for your esteemed letter of the 17th of this month from Geneva. I am really sorry that there has been a misunderstanding about my representation. It happened that after your departure from Stuttgart I was visited by Dr. Höniger, whom I asked to give evidence on the matter of my persecution for political reasons. Dr. Höniger was a major in the judicial service in Košice and can be an important witness in my case.

Unfortunately, Dr. Höniger, who is now himself a lawyer in West Germany (he lives near Stuttgart), has done more – in an effort to benefit me. than I had asked of him. I showed him in a personal meeting the reply of the President of Cologne, and here Dr. Höniger – although I had expressly informed him that you were my attorney and asked him to communicate with you directly – wrote a letter dated 12.6.1958 directly to the Regierungspresident for an extension of time. In doing so, apparently in order to further justify his intervention, he used – as can be seen from the description – the phrase that I had ‘entrusted him to look after my interests’.

There is no doubt that he did so with the best of intentions, fearing that the deadline would be missed. I should be very sorry if you were angry with me or Dr. Höniger for that reason. I would ask you to forgive me if I have perhaps “botched” the matter, but at the same time not to be angry with Dr. Höniger for not writing to you immediately, as was his duty and as I had asked him to do. On the other hand, however, it would be a real pity not to use his services and the extensive contacts which he has offered me willingly out of old acquaintance. Incidentally, I remember that on my return to London I mentioned Dr. Höniger to you in a letter which I wrote to you at once. I shall now write to Dr. Höniger in Winnenden again, so that he may not fail to communicate directly with you on the merits of the matter. I would be very happy if you could agree on cooperation and joint action.

I have conveyed your messages to Dr. Locher. However, he has been sick again in recent weeks with a heart condition arising from an accident last year. But he has promised to write to you directly as soon as his health permits.

I thank you again for your untiring care and dedication on behalf of us all, and I am hand in hand with the gracious lady

Your devoted

Prchala

[Translation: Miroslav Kamenik / 17.4.2025]

From Lev Prchala, 21.X.1958

Velevážený pane doktore, drahý příteli,

srdečně děkuji za Váš ctěný dopis z 20.X.1958, jakož i letecký lístek, který přiloženě vracím. Velmi lituji, že nemohu vyhovět Vašemu přání a přiletět do Paříže. Jsem opravdu churav a kromě toho zabraňují tomu i jiné překážky. Promiňte!

Milostivé paní uctivě ruku líbá, Vás srdečně zdraví Váš oddaný

Prchala

Dear Doctor, dear friend,

I thank you very much for your esteemed letter of 20.X.1958, as well as the air ticket (MK – air ticket), which I enclose. I regret very much that I am unable to comply with your wish and come to Paris. I am really sick and there are other obstacles preventing it. Excuse me!

Gracious ladies respectful hand kisses, I greet you cordially

Your devoted

Prchala

[Translation: Miroslav Kamenik / 17.4.2025]

From Lev Prchala, 16.XI.1958 (viditelná změna v rukopisu, těžko čitelný / hard to read handwriting)

L.Prchala

2, Cleve Rd.

London NW6

Vážený pane doktore a drahý příteli,

srdečně Vám, drahý příteli, děkuji za Váš dopis z 13. t.m., jakož i za přiložený šek na Ł100 (GBP), 20 dollarů a 50 swiss francs v bankovkách.

Nevím, čím jsem si tuto Vaši laskavost zasloužil a jak za ni poděkovat. I když tyto peníze považujete za zálohu na eventuální rentu (?) a doplatky, nemohu přece než prozatím upřímně děkovat a obdivovat Vaši důvěru k mé osobě a Vaše dobré opravdu křesťanské srdce.

Snad Bůh se nade mnou smiluje a dopřeje mi, abych se Vám mohl odvděčiti za Vaši laskavost a za Vaši namáhavou a obětavou práci, kterou si dáváte s mou záležitostí. Jsem přesvědčen, že bude korunována úspěchem.

Věřte, že bych se rád byl dostavil do Paříže, ale zaprvé selhalo moje zdraví a zadruhé že to moje sociální závislost na Czech Refugee Trust Fund a na maličké penzi, kterou týdně pobírám, které téměř neumožňují každé moje cestování. Penzi (Ł 2-7-0) bych musel před odjezdem na čas mé nepřítomnosti z V.Br. Vypovědět a Cz.R.T.F., v jehož domě bydlíme, musel by k cestě dáti svůj souhlas. To je moje situace, jež je kromě toho tím komplikovanější, poněvadž mám ženu, která na těchto soc. podporách je závislá stejně jako já. (?) pomoc by byla renta z Německa, která by nám poskytla možnost slušnější existence a trochu větší svobody.

Co se týče doplnění mé žádosti o náhradu za ztracený majetek jsem Vám rád k dispozici, prozatím bohužel jen zde v Anglii. Jsem šťasten, že spojenými silami se nám podařilo zmařit intriky sl. J. (Jenček?). Správně jsme odhadli již v Bonnu, kdo se za (?) touto ….ou skrývá a čas potvrdil náš posudek. Je to lekce pro p. presidenta v Kolíně, ale bohužel i pro Vás, jemuž za dobrotu a šlechetnost se odplatilo strašným nevděkem.

Doufám, že jste se přes tuto nemilou a bolestivou příhodu již šťastně přenesl a že Vaše zdraví tím příliš neutrpělo.

Modlím se za Vás a za Vaši vzácnou pani manželku, za Vaše zdraví a štěstí a jsem

Váš oddaný

Prchala

PS: Žena děkuje a upřímně za Váš milý pozdrav a posílá srdečné pozdravy Vaší choti a Vám, drahý pane doktore a příteli.

Dear Doctor and dear friend,

I thank you most heartily for your letter of the 13th instant, and for the enclosed cheque for £100 (GBP), 20 dollars and 50 swiss francs in notes.

I do not know what I have done to deserve this kindness and how to thank you for it. Even if you consider this money as a deposit for the eventual annuity (?) and supplementary payments, I cannot but for the present sincerely thank and admire your confidence in my person and your good truly Christian heart.

May God have mercy on me and grant that I may repay you for your kindness and for the laborious and devoted work you are putting into my cause. I am confident that it will be crowned with success.

Believe me, I would have liked to have come to Paris, but firstly my health has failed and secondly it is my social dependence on the Czech Refugee Trust Fund and the tiny pension I receive weekly that make any travel almost impossible. The pension (£2-7-0) would have to be paid to me before I could leave for the time of my absence from Great Britain. I would have to give notice and Cz.R.T.F., in whose house we live, would have to give his consent to the journey. This is my situation, which is all the more complicated because I have a wife who is as dependent on these social benefits as I am. (?) Help would be an annuity from Germany, which would give us the possibility of a moredecent existence and a little more freedom.

I am happy to be of service to you regarding the completion of my application for compensation for lost property, unfortunately for the time being only here in England. I am happy that by joining forces we have been able to thwart Ms. J. (?) intrigues. We correctly guessed back in Bonn who was behind … (not legible) and time has confirmed our assessment. It is a lesson for Mr. President in Cologne, but unfortunately also for you, whose kindness and generosity have been repaid with terrible ingratitude.

I hope that you have got over this unpleasant and painful episode happily, and that your health has not suffered much.

I pray for you and for your precious wife, for your health and happiness and am

your devoted

Prchala

PS: My wife thanks and sincerely for your kind greetings and sends her heartfelt regards to your wife and to you, dear doctor and friend.

[Translation: Miroslav Kamenik / 17.4.2025]

The Republican Party Are Nazis – GTFO!

Silence=Death! Don’t be a frozen bystander and allow this abuse to continue – have the courage of your convictions and act up! Canada needs to act fast and BAN Twitter and Facebook before Putin and Trump divide it with lies and propaganda. Boycott Tesla! Elon and Trump need to lose everything for their thievery and abuse of Americans and the whole world!

Screenshots from today..just to clarify, that is Hitler in the top image, Donald and Elon are in the second image posing with the latest Swasticar.

Screenshot from 8 March 2025, Chicago, Illinois.

There Will Be No Anschluss of Canada!

Donald thinks that he can just take Canada like Hitler took Austria on 12-13 March 1938. This will never happen. He can only bluff and bluster because he doesn’t have the cards! Hitler courted the ethnic Germans of Austria, they were happy when he invaded. Donald has treated PM Trudeau and the Canadian people so abusively, that it has united Canada in their hatred towards him – if he showed up like Hitler did, they would set his car on fire, that’s how rightfully pissed off they are! I support Trudeau and the Canadian people, whatever they need to do to fight back and protect themselves, it is for the best for America, too! SLAVA UKRAINI!

Re: A ‘thank you’ 8 years in the making

Thank you to Fabian Schneider, and to his parents, for permission to share this message, in connection to the letters of Frano Tiso I published back in 2016. It gives me great pleasure that my work has had a positive impact, and that I can meet so many lovely and interesting people from all over the world because of Vlado!

15 August 2024

Dear Tara Burgett,

I’m writing to express my gratitude for your work on the Fabry family history website, particularly for publishing the letters from Fraňo “Franz” Tiso, whom I (*1994) have an interest in.

My interest in Mr. Tiso stems from a family connection – he was a friend of the Schneider family in the latter half of the 20th century and a regular guest at our home [in the Eichstätt Landkreis in Germany]. My father (*1955), spoke highly of him and credited Mr. Tiso with convincing my grandmother (*1929 ✝2019) to send him to a specific type of high school, significantly impacting his education. Tiso and my father would also often discuss (first in person and later in the form of letters) science and technology, which became my father’s calling until his retirement. I too am a software developer these days.

My father stresses Tiso never tried influence him ideology-wise, but to he was always delighted to see him because of his science and technology interests. Tiso would gift him copies of the Stafette magazine, which is like Highlights or National Geographic Kids from a US point of view.

A few years ago, my father brought him up again after many, many years. He mentioned that Tiso was involved in diplomacy before 1945 in Slovakia. I had since learned about Nazi collaborationist regimes and the last name clicked with Jozef Tiso. Looking into him, I soon found a declassified CIA document that looked like an indication of a propaganda operation. While I never found hard proof of that, I have kept doing on-off research into this friend of the family.

I do not want to shoot the messenger, ever, but I must admit that my research, aided by the documents you shared in 2016 and others I’ve encountered, has led to significant personal disappointment. Mr. Tiso had a hawkish military stance and made efforts to whitewash the legacy of Stepan Bandera.

Much like the Vichy French, he hated communism so much that even after the liberation from the Nazis, he would resort to stirring up the Cold War and lionize a man responsible for the murder of Poles and Jews in the tens of thousands. I do not believe that rejecting this sort of stance makes one a communist, either.

I do not know any members of my family who would appreciate this sort of militarism and nationalism. The same grandmother that hosted Franz Tiso protested the deployment of Pershing II ballistic missiles. I remember her being opposed to the Second Gulf War, though she was somewhat past protesting in the streets mobility-wise. My dad says when they discussed politics over coffee, it was limited to economic policy of the day. I would have loved to talk to her about Tiso, but by the time I started my research, my grandmother was unable to speak for neurological reasons.

It’s a stark reminder of the often troubling nature of post-war politics and personal relationships. These revelations have deeply shaped my understanding of denazification, the challenges of post-war reconciliation and the need for anti-fascism.

Despite my personal disappointment, I’m grateful for the access to these primary sources. They provide an unvarnished look at history, allowing us to confront uncomfortable truths and develop a more nuanced understanding of this period. In a sense, I am even grateful for the disappointment, because I would rather know than not know.

Thank you again for your dedication to historical preservation and for making these documents easily accessible. Maybe you do not always immediately see the effect, but efforts like yours make all the difference in our ability to critically examine history.

Sincerely,

Fabian Schneider

Letters from Fraňo Tiso

Who was Fraňo Tiso? When I first posted the image of his postcard to Vlado here, back in March of 2013, I was frankly too horrified to consider that he could be any relation to Jozef Tiso, that there were probably lots of people with the last name of Tiso. But considering the political connections that Vlado and Pavel had, that Fraňo was the former Slovak Ambassador to the Soviet Union, and that I also have letters from Fraňo to Pavel concerning his communication with Franz Karmasin (letters from Karmasin posted here), this Fraňo was very likely the cousin of Jozef Tiso; he is mentioned briefly in James Mace Ward’s “Priest, Politician, Collaborator: Jozef Tiso and the Making of Fascist Slovakia” (published 2013, Cornell University Press); from chapter 7, “Sacred Convictions, 1939-44”, page 206:

“Although still pro-German, [Jozef] Tiso also wanted greater independence, a desire that led to a sharp foreign policy turn: détente with the Soviet Union. In addition to general issues of sovereignty, the economics of German domination increasingly troubled him. His idea of the state was for “national” property to come into Slovak hands. Instead, German-held shares in Slovakia’s industry exploded to over half in 1942. The Reich meanwhile consumed around three-quarters of Slovak exports, paying in devalued credits instead of hard cash. Seeking relief from such economic dependence and exploitation, Ďurčanský as foreign minister looked east. Diplomatic ties with the Communist state offered markets, an ally for revising the Vienna Award, and the prestige of Great Power recognition. Despite a lifetime of anti-bolshevism, Tiso supported the strategy. He later claimed to have welcomed the 1939 Hitler-Stalin Pact, expecting it to facilitate the solution of “European questions” on the basis of the ethnic principle. In his first presidential address, he proposed Slovakia as “a mediator…between…the Slavic and German worlds.” Soon, he was courting “extensive economic relations” with the Soviets not only by exchanging ambassadors (sending to Moscow his cousin Fraňo) but even by congratulating Stalin on the anniversary of the October Revolution.”

More about Fraňo and Jozef Tiso is mentioned in David S. Wyman’s book “The World Reacts to the Holocaust” (published 1996, Johns Hopkins University Press):

“The fate of the Jewish population had been given more attention in Slovakia than in the Czech lands, mainly because of the involvement and complicity of the clero-fascist Slovak regime, headed by the Catholic priest-president Dr. Jozef Tiso. The role played by the Catholic clergy in Slovakia during World War II conformed with the antireligious propaganda of the Communist Party.

The initial attempt to review the birth of the Slovak state was made by the pre-war minister of justice Ivan Dérer, in his Slovenský vývoj a ľudácká zrada, fakta, vzpomínky a úvahy (The Slovak state and the treachery of the L’udaks: Facts, memories, and thoughts). The first writer to set a novel against the backdrop of the years of Slovak independence was Dominik Tatarka in his Farská republika (The Parish republic). Tatarka depicted the misguided policy and the corrupt leadership that ultimately led to the wholesale deportation and destruction of the Jewish population. Other authors, such as Hela Volanská and Katerína Lazarová, portrayed the heroic stance of Jewish participants in the Slovak National Uprising. The History of Modern Slovakia, the first in-depth study to disclose the policy of the Nazi puppet regime and to describe at great length the persecution of Slovak Jewry, was published in New York in 1955 by Dr. Jozef Lettrich, a chairman of the Slovak National Council who had fled after the Communist coup. The role of the Hlinka Guard and the Jewish plight were analyzed by Imrich Staňek, himself a survivor, in the 1958 Zrada a pád: hlinkovští separatisté a tak zvaný Slovenský stát (Treachery and downfall: The Hlinka separatists and the so-called Slovak state), written from a strictly Marxist-Leninist viewpoint.

The capture of Adolf Eichmann in May 1960 by the Mossad and his subsequent trial in Jerusalem were widely covered in the national press and media. Eichmann, notorious for engineering the deportation of both Czech and Slovak Jewry, was of major interest to the local population. (He had commuted between Berlin and Prague, where he resided in the elegant, confiscated Rosenthal villa, in the Střešovice district.) The Czech and Slovak press sent special reporters to cover the proceedings of the trial. One of these reporters, the writer Ladislav Mňačko, later published a book portraying Eichmann’s satanic role in the Holocaust. The testimonies given at the trial by survivors appeared frequently in the press and in Věstník ŽNO, the weekly bulletin of the Jewish Religious Communities in Prague. Many of these related to the wholesale deportation of Slovak Jewry orchestrated by the [Jozef] Tiso regime. During one of the sessions of the trial Eichmann’s claim that “the Slovaks gave away their Jews as one spills sour beer,” from Life magazine’s interview with him, was quoted. Widely repeated in the international press, this assertion provoked reactions among leading Slovak figures in exile. The Munich-based Fraňo Tiso, in an effort to whitewash the Slovak wartime leadership, published an article in which he stressed the endeavors of the “moderate parish regime” to save Jews from deportation. In response, Edo Friš took up the topic in the article “In the Background was Heydrich,” published in the Bratislava weekly Kultúrny život. The controversy focused on the visit of SS Obergruppenführer Reinhard Heydrich to Bratislava on April 10, 1942. Friš challenged [Frano] Tiso’s claim that the reason for Heydrich’s visit was to pressure the Slovak government to continue implementing the Final Solution. Citing documents referred to in The Destruction of Slovak Jewry, published some months earlier, Friš stressed the initiative and involvement of the Slovak leaders in the mass deportation of Jews; the aim of Heydrich’s visit, Friš added, was to assist the Slovak government in formulating a fallacious reply to the Vatican’s March 14, 1942, protest against the deportation of Jews. This was the first discussion of this sensitive issue in more than a decade.”

Here is another perspective of Fraňo Tiso, from the article “Slovak Historians In Exile In North America, 1945-1992” (published 1996), written by M. Mark Stolarik, Chair of Slovak History and Culture, University of Ottawa, Canada:

“Finally, another émigré journalist briefly settled in the Dominion and produced a significant work of scholarship. He was Dr. Fraňo Tiso (1894-1974), the former Slovak Ambassador to the Soviet Union between 1939 and 1941. Tiso fled Slovakia in 1945 and settled in Canada in 1950. In spite of his advanced age, he studied at the University of Montreal and in 1956 earned a Ph.D. in history. He published a portion of his dissertation on “The Empire of Samo, 623-658” in 1960. In 1957 he moved to West Germany where he edited the newspaper Slobodné Slovensko until his death.”

Obviously, I am very unsettled that I have these letters, I don’t know what to make of them yet, but I am publishing them here because I want to know the truth about the Fabrys, even if it shatters my whole lovely narrative about them – this is about history and not fiction.

Frano Tiso-P.Fabry doc. 2-19-59 1
Frano Tiso-P.Fabry doc. 2-19-59 2

ZÁPIS

V snahe, v terajšej vážnej, pre vývin udalostí v Strednej Europe smerodatnej dobe, podniknúť všetko, čo by nášmu ujarmenému slov národu pre jeho budúcnosť zo štátotvorného stanoviska prospešné bolo a v snahe vyjasniť si mnohé nesprávné tvrdenia, ba i obvinenia vedúcich činiteľov počas trvania Slovenského štátu – stretli sa v Mníchove v dňoch 18. a 19. februára 1959 v Hoteli Bayerischer Hof členovia Exilu a to Frant. TISO, predseda Slov. Národnej Rady v Zahraničí, odb. pre Spolkovú Nem. Republiku so sídlom v Mníchove a Dr. Pavel FABRY, t.č. v Ženeve a vo voľnej, viac hodín trvajúcej rozprave prejednali všetky aspekty vážnejších udalostí, ktoré od roku 1918 na osud slov. národa vliv maly.
Uľahčila tento rozhovor tá okolnosť, že sa Dr Fabrymu podarilo zachrániť vážne, pôvodné dokumenty historického významu z rokov 1918 – 1920, poťažne z rokov 1944 – 1948., a ktoré v jeho, v práve chystanej knihe prejednávané budú.
V rámci tohoto rozhovoru oboznámil Dr Fábry, Frant. Tisu s niektorými vážnými dokladmi, pri čom váhu kládol na dokumenty jeho jednania ako Povereníka Slov. Národnej Rady v roku 1918 o zabezpečenia samobytosti Slov. národa.
Taktiež si držal za vážnu povinnosť oboznámiť Fr. Tisu s pôvodnou dokumentáciou zásahou nácistických orgánov z Nemecka, Gestapa a Sicherheitsdienstu ako i nem. nácistických Sekretariátov, ktoré náležite vyvracajú v konkretných prípadoch, menovite posledne sa javiacu tendenciu, akoby tieto zásahy smerujúce na osbné prenasledovania slovenských občanov, sihajúce na ích slobodu, na ích životy a mučenia, páchané boly iniciatívov vládz a jej orgánov v Slov. štáte, čo Fr. Tiso so zadosťučinením berie na vedomie a potvrdzuje niektorými konkretnými prípadmi, ako Dr. Fábry, a udalostiami, ako na príklad, že Prezident Tiso trikráť odmietol podpísať zákon o prenasledovaní židov a nikdy ho nepodpísal. Týmito vyjasneniami budú môcť byť na pravú mieru uvedené mnohé mýlne trdenia a mýlné stanoviská a uľahčiť cestu ku mnohému dorozumeniu.
Táto rozprava vedená bola v prvom rade prehlásením, že obaja súčastnení, ktorých v ích doterajšom konaní viedla vždy úprimná snaha, za v dobe daných okolností pomôcť svojmu rodu a berú za toto pred Bohom, národom a vlastným svedomím vždy a všade zodpovednosť.
Preto sa rozhodli, na základe v rozprave zistených okolností všetko potrebné podniknúť, aby vytýčený cieľ mohol byť uskutočnený, ktorého podrobností a postup pripravia do stretnutia najbližšej príležitosti.
Do tej doby overia tento záp-is svojím parafom a prosia Všemohúceho aby žehnal ďalšie kroky ích úsilia.

Dané v Mníchove, dňa 19. februára 1959.

Dr. Pavel Fabry parafuje:
Frant. Tiso parafuje:

Napísané v dvoch exemplároch parafom potvrdených.
————————————————————————————————–
Frano Tiso letter 2-28-59

München, 28.februára 1959

Veľavážený pán Advokát!

S priateľom ing.Filom som sa mohol v Bonne dobre porozprávať, čo – chvála Bohu – tiež prispelo k vzájomnému porozumeniu.
Bola v reči aj Vaša vec. V najbližších dňoch stretnem sa s pánom Birknerom / nie Brinker, ako ste ho Vy spomínali pri našom rozhovore / v Stuttgarte a dozviem sa, aké úzadie má jeho podanie a čo by sa dalo vo veci robiť. Poznám ho ako charakterného človeka, ktorý istotne nie je pod vplyvom Vami spomínaného človeka. Podanie muselo sa stať na zaklade nejakéko omylu alebo podfuku. On sám ho istotne nekoncipoval. Mám dobrú nádej, že aj táto vec príde do poriadku.
Prosím Vás pekne, pán Advokát, napíšte mi dôverne, kde a za akých okolností povedal pán súdruh Mikojan to, čo ste mi tu spomínali /47 – 24 – 32 – – 50 miliardov dol. / Stojím ešte stále pod dojmom počutého a jeho aspektov. Raz ma zalieva horúca vlna radosti a nádeje, po nej zasa pochybovania, či to vôbec bolo povedané pánom súdruhom Mikojanom, či je to vôbec pravda, či Vás niekto nepodviedol, alebo či to nepovedal vo forme a podstate celkom inej. Upokojte ma, prosím, udaním prameňa!
Rád by som počuť, že zdravie Vám a Vašim milým dobre slúzi.
V očakávaní Vašich zpráv pozdravujem Vás srdečne.

P.S. Mohli by ste mi napísať adresu p. syna?

Frano Tiso

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Frano Tiso telegram 4-7-59
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Frano Tiso letter 6-29-59 1
München, 29. júna 1959

Frano Tiso letter 6-29-59 2

Veľavážený pán Doktor Fábry!

Keďže prem mojim odchodom do Pariza nemohol som sa stretnúť s p. št. sekretárom Karmasinom, aby som s ním pohovoril v zmysle toho, na čom sa dohodli pán Filo a Birkner, napísal som mu list a vysvetlil, že nemôže byť ani v jeho záujme, aby povstal proces a aby sa rozprestierali pred nepritaeľskou verejnosťou veci, ktoré najradšej zabudnúť treba.
Odpoveďou napísal mi p. št. sekr. Karmasin toto:
“Die Beilage in Angelegenheit Dr. Fabry habe ich erhalten. Ich bin an Dr. Fabry weder positiv noch negativ interessiert, ich war es auch nie. Nun hat aber Dr. Fabry behauptet, dass er über meine Veranlassung von der Gestapo verhaftet wurde. Das ist eine glatte Unwahreit und ich kann nun keine Erklärung adgeben, dass ich ihn tatsächlich verhaften liess. Ich habe im ganzen Leben niemenden verhaften lassen, also auch Dr. Fabry nicht, ganz abgesehen davon, dass ich gar nicht die Möglichkeit hatte, jemanden verhaften zu lassen. Es müsste also erst Dr. Fabry seine Behauptung widerrufen, dass er über meine Veranlassung verhaftet wurde, denn ich kann Ihnen nicht zustimmen, wenn Sie schreiben, dass mit einer Zurückziehung niemand zu Schaden kommen kann. Ich z. B. Schon! Denn wenn ich meine Erklärung zurückziehe, heisst das, dass ich Weisungsbefugnis an die Gestapo hatte, was nie und nimmer stimmt, und ich komme in Teufels Küche.
Ich lege bestimmt keinen Wert darauf, in einen Prozess verwickkelt zu werden und aus diesem Grunde zusätzlich noch in die Öffentlichkeit gezerrt zu werden, aber mit einer einseitigen Zustimmung von mir ist es nicht getan.
Ich halte es für das zweckmässigste, wenn die beteiligten Herren sich zu einer Aussprache zusammenfinden würden, damit man gemeinsam Mittel und Wege suchen kann, um die Angelegenheit zu bereinigen.”
Z listu vidno, že aj Vy ste spravili chybu, keď ste p.Karmasinovi imputovali čin, ktorý on nespáchal. Ale aj to vysvitá z listu, že sa neuzatvára pred pokojným riešením veci. Hodno by bolo, uskutočniť jeho návrh.
V Bonne som Vás hľadal! Už ste boli odcestovaný. S týmto v súvislosti rád by som Vás usistiť, že nijako sa Vám nenatískam ani vo veci vypísania otáznych statí z “Grenzbote”; ale mohol som očakávať, že mi dáte alebo Vy, alebo priateľ Filo na vedomie, že to už nie aktuálne. Bol by som si moj opravdu drahý a takmer na hodiny rozpočítaný čas ináč zariadil. Takto som odmietol 15 prednášok.
Nie je to však nešťastím. Som Vám rád napomoci aj v budúcnosti, len prosím o dodržanie dohovoreného; či už priamo medzi nami, alebo cestou tretej osoby dohovoreneho.
Byt chvála Pánu Bohu už mám! Dobrí priatelia mi ho sprostredkovali, začo som im hlboko povďačný!
Prosiac, aby ste Milostivej panej Manželke odovzdali úctivý rukybozk, pozdravujem Vás srdečne.

Tiso

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Frano Tiso postcard to Vlado 4-12-60

Frano Tiso postcard to Vlado 4-12-60 reverse

It begins with a book…

Last August, I took another look through the family collection of books about Czechoslovakia. What I found was a copy of “HISTORY OF MODERN SLOVAKIA” by Jozef Lettrich, which had, sadly, been overlooked in a damp corner of the house.
034
But in spite of mold damage, I put it in a mylar sleeve and kept it nearby, because the book mentioned Pavel Fabry (Vladimir Fabry’s father) as one of the first to be imprisoned in a concentration camp on March 30, 1939, in the state prison of Ilava.
036
I recognized the book immediately, since I had seen at least a half dozen photostatic copies in my archive from page 144, underlined in the same places, which Pavel must have referred to in his case for reparations in Germany.
037
038
From Chapter Two, “Under the Swastika”, pages 143-144:

“When prisons were no longer adequate, the Slovak Government issued an order on March 24, 1939, “concerning the imprisonment of the enemies of the Slovak State.” […] This order authorized the Minister of Interior to “arrange for the jailing of persons whose past and present activities give reason to fear that they would continue to obstruct the building of the Slovak State.” The Minister of the Interior was further authorized to create “a camp for the detention of such persons in which prisoners would be compelled to perform physical labor.” Vojtech Tuka lost no time in transforming the old state prison in Ilava into a “security camp,” the first concentration camp in Slovak history. The Ilava prison thus became the home of Slovak democrats–of authors, priests, teachers, newspapermen and statesmen, as well as of simple farmers, workmen and students. The first inmates of this camp, brought there on March 30, 1939, were: Anton Štefánek, Ján Ursíny, František Zimák, Ján Pocisk, Ferdinand Benda, Karol Hušek, Ján Paulíny-Toth, Jozef Rudinský, Pavel Fábry, Andrej Djuračka, František Třešnák, Hana Styková, Vinco Mihalus and Jozef Lettrich, three Members of Parliament, two Senators, three journalists, the Chairman of the Slovak National Party, and an actress from the Slovak National Theater. Others soon followed. In the few years of existence of the Slovak State more than 3,000 persons were to pass through the gates of the Ilava concentration camp. Some remained a few days, some for months, and others for several years. They were all sent to Ilava without trial , without judgement, without indictment, merely upon a denunciation and by administrative order of the Ministry of Interior. Tuka, on April 15, 1939, made the following characteristic statement, “Those who spread alarming rumors and false reports are obstructing our way. We have made arrangements to handle all of them in Ilava. Many of them are there now and many others will follow them there. It is your duty to denounce these instigators to the police and the Hlinka Guards, and the Slovak Government will take care of them.”

030
I now have another copy of this book, in very good condition, signed and inscribed by Jozef Lettrich on the title page. It was only after this that I looked at the title page of the copy I found, and it was also inscribed.
028
Title page from second copy.
040
From the copy that belonged to Pavel Fabry.

When I finally started to read it, it dawned on me that this book was written by the same Jozef Lettrich that was in prison with Pavel, and that I had letters from Lettrich – Chairman of the Slovak National Council in Czechoslovakia, who was an exile living in the United States. So I went back to the boxes. I was amazed by how this one book began to illuminate what I had missed before: letters to and from Milan Hodza – Prime Minister of Czechoslovakia; Jan Pauliny-Toth – lawyer and politician; Peter Pridavok – Chairman of the Slovak National Council in London; Juraj Slavik – Czechoslovak Ambassador to the United States; General Lev Prchala; Emil Stodola, and Kornel Filo. Pavel Fabry was seeking reparations for many of these people and others in Berlin, as their lawyer, so I have some of their testimonies, in Slovak, German and French.

But then I found two letters from Franz Karmasin, one of them signed. Franz Karmasin was state secretary for the German Minority, under President of Slovakia and Catholic Priest Jozef Tiso: an anti-semite who collaborated with Hitler and was key in making the Slovak State the first Nazi ally in the Final Solution, deporting tens of thousands of Jewish people to their extermination – he was hanged after WWII; Karmasin was also senticed to death but escaped prosecution and was living in exile in Munich. From what I was able to translate, Karmasin seems to be arguing against something Pavel said about him – and he begins his first letter in praising Pavel on his son Vlado – The Hague and Nuremberg are also mentioned. There were no letters from Pavel to Karmasin. I’ve transcribed the letters here for others to translate.

Page056

Page055

Dipl. Ing. Franz Karmasin
München 8
Trogerstaße 32

München, den 8-7. 1959

Herrn
Dr. Paul Fabry

14 Chemin Thury
Geneve

Sehr geehrter Herr Dr. Fabry!

Unsere gestrige Aussprache hat mich sehr stark an Aussprachen in der Heimat erinnert. Ich glaube, diese angenehme Atmosphäre gibt es nur jenseits der Karpaten. Ich bitte, es nicht als Anmassung zu betrachten, wenn ich Sie zu Ihrem prächtigen Sohn beglückwünsche. Er hat großen Eindruck auf mich gemacht und ich freue mich wirklich von ganzem Herzen, dass die slowakische Sache so einen hervorragenden Vertreter ihrer Interessen besitzt.
In der Kanzlei habe ich mir dann den sehr dicken Akt “Dr. Fabry” vorgenommen. Ich war froh, dass ich dies erst nachher getan habe, ich wäre sonst kaum zu der Besprechung gekommen. Ich habe sehr stark den Eindruck, dass Sie in der Darstellung und Beurteilung der Situation der Deutschen Volksgruppe in der Slowakei sich weniger von Tatsachen, als vielmehr von Gefühlen leiten liessen. Ich kann es verstehen, umsomehr, als die Grenzen zwischen Reichsdeutschen und Volksdeutschen von Aussen her nicht immer sichtbar waren und vor allem die Situation der Volksgruppe und der Volksgruppenführung nicht für eine öffentliche Diskussion geeignet war. Aber in Ihren Ausführungen sind Sie doch etwas hart, ich darf Ihnen das in aller fahrens mit Ihnen und Ihrem Herrn Sohn über diese Dinge diskutieren, jetzt ist nicht der geeignete Zeitpunkt dazu. Ich will Ihren nur zu bedenken geben, dass der deutsche evangelische Bischof Scherer, für dessen Ernennung ich mich übrigens sehr stark eingesetzt habe und fast alle evangelischen u. katholischen Pfarrer Mitglieder der Deutschen Partei waren und dass die Deutsche Partei bei den Nürnberger Verfahren ausgeklammert wurde, obwohl man den Aliierten bestimmt nicht Unkenntnis der Lage vorwerfen konnte. Auch das Dokumentenmaterial, wenn man es vollinhaltlich zur Kenntnis nimmt, spricht eine andere Sprache als Ihre Darstellungen. Die Offenheit, mit der wir gestern gesprochen haben, verpflichtet mich, Ihnen das zu schreiben.
Die Zusatzerklärung habe ich lt. Durchschlag an das Regierungspräsidium, an Dr. Virgano, Herrn Minister Dr. Tiso und Herrn Birkner geschickt. Ich bin gespannt, wie sich die Angelegenheit weiter entwickeln wird.

Hochachtungsvoll!

(Karmasin)

Page057

Copy

Dipl. Ing. Franz Karmasin
München 8
Trogerstaße 32

München, den. 8.7.1959

An das
Regierungspräsidium
Köln
Zeughausstr. 2-4

Sehr geehrte Herren!

Betr.: Dr. Paul Fabry

Ich habe die verschiedenen Schriftstücke im Falle Dr. Paul Fabry, soweit sie mir zur Verfügung stehen, nochmals durchgesehen und darf meine seinerzeitige Darstellung wie folgt ergänzen:

Ich habe dargelegt, dass die Behauptung, Dr. Fabry sei durch die Gestapo verhaften worden, falsch sei, da sich auf dem Gebiete der Slowakei keine Gestapo befunden hat. Dagegen hatten z.Zt. der Besetzung des slowakischen Staatsgebietes rechts der Waag während der Tschechenkrise durch deutsche Truppen Organe des Sicherheitsdienst Dienst gemacht. Ich glaube mich erinnern zu können – ohne es allerdings beschwören zu können -, dass durch die deutschen militärischen Kommandostellen Angehörige der Hlinkagarde (HG) und der Freiwilligen Schutzstaffel (FS) diesen Organen als Hilfskräfte zugeteilt wurden. Inwieweit sich diese im Zuge der revolutionären Ereignisse Übergriffe zuschulden kommen ließen, entzieht sich meiner Kenntnis, vor allem aber meiner und meiner Mitarbeiter Verantwortung. Sie unterstanden, falls sie sich in die Dienst der Deutschen Wehrmacht oder des SD begeben hatten, nicht mehr der Befehlsgewalt der Volksgruppe.

Zu dieser Ergänzung fühle ich mich verpflichtet einerseits, weil Aussenstehende die Unterschiede zwischen SD und Gestapo nicht ganz klar waren, andererseits weil mir im Interesse meiner ehemaligen Mitarbeiter selbst sehr viel an der Klärung dieser Angelegenheit liegt. Ich bitte, die Ergänzung in diesem sinne zur Kenntnis zu nehmen.

Hochachtungsvoll!

(Karmasin)

Curriculum Vitae of Dr. Pavel Fabry, December 17, 1955, Geneva

Fabry Archive - Selected Photographs (28)
(Pavel Fabry is front and center – click on photo to enlarge)

To understand the character of Vlado Fabry, it’s important to know the character of his father – Dr. Pavel Fabry, who was imprisoned and tortured by Nazis and Communists for his opposition. When Pavel escaped from the Czechoslovak prison hospital, with the help of his friends, they dressed him as a nun and hid him inside a beer barrel on a train headed to Switzerland. In Geneva, Simone Baridon (a close friend of my mother-in-law) was with Olga Fabry the day Pavel arrived, and she remembers her bravery that day, when Olga said “Daddy is crossing the border now.”

This is the C.V. of Dr. Pavel Fabry that was written in English, and the following document was written in German – this was my first attempt at translating German, so it’s a little awkward, but the story of Pavel is still very compelling.

Pavel Svetozar FABRY, LLD, was born on January 14th, 1891 of an old family of industrialists and businessmen. After graduating in business administration, he studied law, attaining the degree of Doctor of Law; passed the bar examinations; and successfully completed the examinations required to qualify for judgeship.
During World-War-I, Mr. Fabry served as officer in an artillery division as well as in the service of the Army’s Judge Advocate-General. He became the first Secretary of the Provisional National Council established to prepare the liberation of Slovakia and the orderly transfer of its administration to the Czechoslovak Government. After the foundation of the Czechoslovak Republic, he was appointed Prefect (chief Government official) for the Eastern part of Slovakia.
When the Communist armies of the Hungarian Government of Bela Kun attacked Slovakia in 1919, Mr. Fabry was named High Commissioner Plenipotentiary for the defense of Eastern Slovakia. In this function he was entrusted with the co-ordination of the civil administration with the military actions of the Czechoslovak Army and of the Allied Military Command of General Mittelhauser. His determined and successful effort to prevent Eastern Slovakia to fall under the domination of Communist Armies – the victorious results of which contributed to the fall of the Communist regime in Hungary – drew on Mr. Fabry the wrath of the Communist leaders; they declared him the “mortal enemy of the people”, led violent press campaigns against him and attacked him overtly and covertly continually and at every opportunity.
After the consolidation of the administrative and political situation of Slovakia, Mr. Fabry left the Government service and returned to his private practice as barrister. He specialized in corporation law and his assistance was instrumental in the founding and expansion of a number of industrial enterprises. He became Chairman or one of the Directors of Trade Associations of several industrial sectors, particularly those concerned with the production of sugar, alcohol, malt and beer. He was elected Chairman of the Economic Committee of the Federation of Industries, and played the leading role in several other organizations. He also was accredited as Counsel to the International Arbitration Tribunal in Paris.
Among civic functions, Mr. Fabry devoted his services particularly to Church, acting as Inspector (lay-head) of his local parish and as member of the Executive Committee of the Lutheran Church of Czechoslovakia. His appointment as delegate to the World Council of Churches’ meeting in Amsterdam in 1948 prompted his arrest by the Communist Government.
Although Mr. Fabry never stood for political office nor for any political party function, he was well known for his democratic and liberal convictions, and for the defense of these principles whenever his activities gave him the opportunity to do so. He earned himself a reputation in this respect which brought him the enmity of the adversaries of democracy from both the right and the left. He became one of the first Slovaks to be sent to a concentration camp following the establishment of a Pro-German fascist regime in 1939. His release could later be arranged and he was able to take active part in the underground resistance movement against the occupant; for this activity the German secret police (Gestapo) ordered his pursuit and execution in 1945, but he was able to escape the death sentence. In spite of his resistance record (or perhaps because of it), Mr. Fabry was among those arrested by the Russian ARmy, on the instigation of the Communist Party which could not forget his anti-Communist activities dating back all the way to 1919. Due to pressure of public opinion Mr. Fabry’s imprisonment at that time was very short; but when Communist seized power in Czechoslovakia in 1948, they did not miss the opportunity to settle accounts with him. He was removed from all his offices, his property was confiscated, he was imprisoned and subjected to a third degree cross-examination taking six months. No confessions of an admission which could have served as a basis for the formulation of an accusation could, however, be elicited from Mr. Fabry, and he managed to escape from the prison hospital where he was recovering from injuries inflicted during the examination. He succeeded to reach Switzerland in January 1949, where he has continued in his economic activities as member of the Board of Directors, and later President, of an enterprise for the development of new technologies in the field of bottling and food conservation. He was also active in assisting refugees and was appointed as member of the Czechoslovak National Council-in-exile.

The following C.V. is addressed to the “Consulate General of the Federal Republic of Germany, Geneva”:

Curriculum Vitae (Lebenslauf)

Before the Persecution

I come from an old industrial family. My ancestors in 1603 – Matheus Fabry – from the Geneva area, Satigny Place Moulin Fabry, after the then Upper Hungary present Slovakia immigrated and in the free royal town of Nemecka Lupca – German Luptschau – in the county Liptov, Circle Liptovsky Svaty Mikulas established a tannery. This industrial tradition has remained in the family, according to the chronicles of General Hradsky.
My father Josef was a prosperous merchant and industrialist. Also Vice-President of the Chamber of Commerce and president of several trade and finance companies. Board member of some industry and financial companies. Maternally I am also descended of Industrial and Estate-owning family.
We were 10 siblings – seven are behind the Iron Curtain still alive, some of them in prison, some of them forcefully resettled.
The parents sought to give us a good education with University studies, but all children had to complete some studies in trade.
I attended Hungarian schools, because we did not have a middle school in their mother tongue.
My parents tradition and my studies gave me the future direction of my C.V.
I have allowed for easier overview and orientation in the supplements a special list of 1. Personal Data, 2. Vocational activities, 3. the International profession – Law practice, 4. The national economy – Professional activity, 5. Of the public, political, religious, social and charitable activities, as well as a line up of assets and income up to the time of the persecution, submitted, which discuss my work and resume enough.
[I don’t include the list in this post.-T]

During the time of Persecution

In order to make aspects of the persecution more understandable, it is necessary to strip some events even before this time:
As evident from the personal data, I had at the end of WWI, as a military lawyer for the military commander in Budapest, opportunity to observe the infiltration of communism and drew all my future consequences therefrom.
As can also be seen from the personnel records, I was appointed as High Commissioner Plenipotentiary for the military command of eastern Slovakia. At that time, the Kremlin gave directives to the members of the Comintern, to create all the conditions you can imagine out of the Ruhr against an eastern power, as potential factor for war. Therefore, the then Hungarian Communist leader Bela Kun was commissioned to warlike attack of Slovakia, since at the same time Poland was to be attacked by Moscow military, the objective was, from Poland as an Industry and Agricultural country, and from Slovakia and Hungary as Agricultural states, to form a political unity under Communist leadership. This should then be as the basis for conquest of East and Central Germany, and then the Ruhr territories served.
These efforts have been, in spite of fierce fighting in Poland and Slovakia, thwarted under great bloodshed. Unfortunately at Yalta was Communism facilitated, by Stalin’s perfidy, clumsy (plumpen) breach of contract, and betrayal to conquer these areas.
In negotiating the boundaries demarcating the then Bratislava, I had a sharp conflict with Bela Kun. The then Secretary of the way, was none other than the present ruler of Hungary, Mathius (Matyas) Rakosi, who could not forget me and my actions against the Communist terror gangs. Since that time, I was attacked during the entire years until WWII, at every opportunity, both in newspapers and at public rallies of the Communist Party. The communist leader Vietor asserts in his “Faklya in 1952” [Not included here.-T] that the failure of the plans of the Communist International was partly due to my vigorous defense activities. The statement that my work was supported by the Communists after the seizure of power in 1948, settled bitterly with my arrest, as will be further mentioned. The second point I would list is represented by the German-friendly setting:
As can be seen from the personnel data, the Slovak Intelligentsia before WWII was eager to visit the great German culture as close neighbors, and study them in the country of origin. Therefore, each family was trying to get their children educated in the German Universities, as well as other German institutions. So I spent the semester of 1910/11 at the University of Berlin. Of course, religion played a significant role with cultural trends, since a third of Slovaks were Augsberg Confession Protestant and wanted nothing more than to visit the land of Luther and his faith.
The great and unique education of that time has influenced my whole future life, and has quite clearly had an impact in my subsequent work in business and public. So I led as President of Industry Associations that all protocols and negotiations were bilingual, though barely 20% of all industrialists in Slovakia were of German language and nationality. The leading representatives of German diplomacy and economy were in my home, and were frequent preferred guests on my extensive hunting grounds.
It is therefore understandable, that the persecution under the Nazi Regime of Germany has hit me doubly hard. I will mention only in passing that I spent many years on my annual holiday in Germany, specifically in Reichenhall, in the Kurhaus Hotel Axelmannstein of the Seethaler family. However, I also observed at that time the undemocratic developement of the Nazis in Munich at Reichenhall, and practiced my objective critique so that I was advised to disappear from Reichenhall. I then had to follow with the establishment of the Slovak state by Hitler, immediately carried out by the exponents of the Nazi Organization.
After these explanatory notes I will venture to list my persecution during the Nazi Regime chronologically:
Even though I with the then Prime Minister Dr. Tiso and his staff maintained very friendly relations in the then state of Slovak autonomy, I was, after the creation (on Hitler’s orders) of the so-called Independent Slovak State, on command (einschreitung ?) of Nazi Franz Karmasin‘s leadership, arrested and taken by the Hlinka Guard (Slovak SS) — locked military barracks (Kasernen eingesperrt). There I was subjected to torture and abuse of the second degree. When this became public knowledge, it upset the leadership of the Slovak State, and after several days I was released.
But a week later, in late March, I was re-arrested again on the orders of Nazi Leadership (Karmasin), and transferred to the prison fortress Illava, to be held prisoner there under menschenwurdigsten (?) circumstances. I was put in the basement of this prison fortress, where the primitive central heating had long been out of operation. Days and nights, we had to spend in indescribable cold, with nothing to protect us but a few ragged horse blankets. In preparation for these inhumanities, specially chosen prisoners, I also among them, were tortured in the infamous “Koks-oder Schreckenskeller” (Coke – Kokshaufen – or Horror Cellar). They threw us in the Kokshaufen (?), covered us with a rug, so you do not see the wounds, and I, along with the Editor-in-Chief of the Newspaper Union Korman, were beaten throughout the night in the most barbarous ways. During this ordeal, my stomach and liver were so much affected that there later became ulcers on the lining of my stomach. On my way to Illava prison the transport had to be stopped, because I was vomiting blood. In spite of terrible pain, the provisional prison doctor denied me his help, with the remark that he would not because of my fall out with authorities. During the visits, however, my fellow prisoners reported of my fate, and it was an energetic intervention. There was an inspection and a physician, Dr. Pikova, took me into the prison hospital. My condition deteriorated, however, living in a dangerous manner, and I had alarmingly high blood pressure and a low temperature of 31-32 degrees celcius.
At last, I was transferred to the surgical ward of the hospital in Bratislava by Professors Carsky and Razus, and taken into treatment. In surgery they did not consider my weakened condition. For weeks I hovered between life and death. Of course, it did not look favorable that during the whole time I was heavily guarded by police inside the hospital, and had not the slightest possibility of speaking with anyone other than the doctors. After many long weeks I was finally allowed to transfer to my Villa again, of course, only under intense surveillance, day and night, in the hall of the Villa, and apart from my wife and my children no one was allowed to come in contact with me.
I had scarcely gained some new strength, when the newly appointed German Ambassador [Manfried Freiherr von] Killinger demanded the immediate surrender of my Villa and the entire facility. Killinger was already notorious when he came to Slovakia, and his crimes were well known. I refused him the provision, never concealing my general convictions, even then, though I was a sick man.
The following day an order was issued by the Nazi leadership to have me expelled from Bratislava in the night, and confiscate the Villa with everything. My one daughter was not even allowed to take her school books. I was expelled to a village in Wagtal with security guards, and I menschenunwudigsten (?) this treatment, I was almost always delivered by drunken guardsmen. After a few months, I was taken to another location, which was repeated several times, because many people had taken note of my unimaginably cruel treatment, and protested every time.
I had lodged an appeal against the expulsion, whereupon Killinger promptly dismissed the appeal and made my deportation into a life sentence. The carrying out was taken on by Presidialchef des Prasidiums (?) Dr. Koso, whereupon I was removed from the bar association and could not practice my profession. At the same time they also pointed out my son from Bratislava, stripping him of the right to University studies (weiterzustudieren). My law firm was confiscated. Together with the decision number 171/1940 a fine of 2 Million Crowns was imposed on me, and my cars and private plane were confiscated to deprive me of any possible movement or escape.
The then representative of the NSDAP (Nazi Party), Harold Steinacker, directed a criminal complaint against me for alleged criticism of Nazi leadership, and attempted to bring an action in the District Court of Trencin.
The President of the District Court, however, Dr. Sebak, was my devoted friend, because I had helped him during the war and supported him, so that he achieved the presidency of the District Court. With great skill, he was therefore able to thwart the arrest on the grounds of my parlous state of health, and to sabotage the sentencing, until my re-arrest and committal to a military prison.
At the outbreak of the uprising in Slovakia, I was together with Councillor Orsag and Colonel Black and was arrested by the Gestapo, brought to a military prison and charged again with accusations. The sustained maltreatment and prison stays, however, had deteriorated my health so that, in spite of the refusal of the prison commander Minari, the doctor summoned me in hospital medical care, also for the reason that the prison was repeatedly bombed.
When the prisoners demanded that they grant us protection in a bomb-proof cellar during the attacks, the commander said the prison had no bomb shelter; but he was willing to build one, when the prisoners would give him money. Since I was the only wealthy one among them, he demanded that sum from me, which my family had to hand over to him. The plans for the shelter had made another political prisoner, who was an architect. The construction, however, was never carried out, and some of the prisoners had to pay with their lives in the next bombing. The commander has simply embezzled the money.
From the hospital, I managed to regain freedom with the help of doctors, and put myself in the care of a private sanatorium in Smokovec in the Tatras, and after that to Mikulas.
At that time, the front was already in Dukla and the evacuation of businesses was ordered in Slovakia. The Slovak government met with the German army leaders on agreement what categories and what quantities of industrial equipment and supplies, as well as food stuffs, must be evacuated, and what proportion of the population must be left for livelihood opportunities.
There were sharp measures arranged against anyone that would violate these proposals (proporzen). Unfortunately, agreed commanders behaved “intrinsically Faust” and took everything that was available. Even the most minimal stocks of sugar, which were reserved for the population, should be “saved” for Switzerland, generally considered, however, to be a “rescue fund” created for known and unknown Nazi-Grossen (Nazi-Greats).
The sugar industry was outraged, and the chief of central supply, Dr. Vondruska, was himself powerless against these groups. With the sugar industry representatives, he intervened even with me, as a long-time lawyer of the sugar industry. There was no other way out, other than by rapid distribution to the consumers, to save this situation. The workers – the railway workers – all day and night helped with zeal, and also to cover that the allotment price of 106 Million measures had been taken.
Also with other inventories, which were reserved for the security of the population, there were similar practices.
I emphasize that only a portion of the distribution determined inventory was saved, the majority was evacuated by unconstitutional agreement – where it happened, no one knows but the participants.
Finally, in the middle of February, they wanted to evacuate the whole population of Liptov Mikulas district, including older people and those who were suspect, i.e. once we were already arrested and released we were to be deported immediately.
I was asked to intervene as delegate for the highest of ecclesiastical dignitaries, because 20 degree (gradige) cold prevailed, and there were large snow drifts, and also the district and the city had been shut down for 3 months from any traffic, without light, because the Front had been here in the country for weeks.
The commander Schuhmacher was inclined to postpone the evacuation, but demanded that in order for the soldiers to buy different things, necessary funds should be provided. But that very night. I had obtained the postponement with considerable financial sacrifice – and for my person, also. After the Front had changed in the following days, the population was rescued. However, I had all the proscribed people brought to safety at once.
For this, defending the Convention and actively deporting the shifted district humanely, I was arrested by the Gestapo in Ruzomberok and sentences to death, and also my son in absentia.
After that night, the Front had to retreat, and I was freed by the underground movement just hours before the execution, and hidden in an abandoned bunker. After reconquest the next day, the whole town was searched for me by several departments. Finally, they emptied out my apartment [His law office, I am sure, since there are other documents giving details of that seizure.-T] of all the things which, up till then, I was able to save in Bratislava, they loaded up seven trucks with it and drove away, not without first breaking open my safe, where I kept money for the guidance of industries and large estates in the amount of 2 1/2 Million Crowns. A directory contains all the stolen values, according to the insert more than 5 Million – officially confirmed. Insert submitted. [Not included here.-T]
At the end of hostilities, in the awareness that these persecutions and abuse to me was not the German people, but a power-hungry clique had done this, I have done everything to love my fellow Germans in Slovakia, to mitigate those innocent who were often subjected to reprisals. The Slovak people would never have handed over his fellow Germans to be expelled, but the higher command out of Potsdam and the pressure of the so-called Russian Liberators could not be avoided. Nevertheless, I managed that the major part of the reported families from Slovakia, from the Paprad camp, not be sent into the Soviet zone, as was already prepared, but were transferred to the Western zones and also to Austria.
In this manner, I managed to at least partially reimburse you for those times in Germany and Berlin University, in which I received the scientific foundations I have always considered to be invaluable.

After the Persecution Today

As the so-called Russian Liberation Army in Slovakia – consuming (raubend) more than liberating – invaded our city, I was immediately arrested and led into the basement of the NKVD, where I found quite a few others arrested. The public, especially the workers in awareness that I freed from deportation a few days before, chose to stand up and with the deputation of workers demanded the immediate release from liability. But the commander of the NKVD also had the deputation arrested and had me lead them into the cellar. The workers union had accumulated in front of the Villa and vigorously demanded the release from liability, whereupon the commander turned to the High command in Kosice, whereupon we were released – seven and a few, but the rest were to be deported to Siberia. The NKVD commander later said I was arrested on the basis of the request of the Hungarian Communists, because I, as High Commissioner in 1919, acted so harshly (so schroff) against the troops of Bela Kun. And he said that if I was released now, I would not be spared Siberia.
The public had reacted sharply. I immediately became an honorary citizen of the circle and an honorary member of the National Committee, elected unanimously, and I was given the two highest honors.
The spontaneous demonstrations of the public gave me the strength to forcefully intervene against many attacks, and also to help my fellow Germans and give confirmation that they behaved decently during the Hitler era, and to stifle all individual personal attacks of vengeance in the bud. As I have already mentioned, I was able to help the internees that they not go to the Soviet zone, as was planned, but were sent to West Germany and Austria. I was a daily visitor to collection centers and in prisons, to help where help was justified.
My parlous state of health has not allowed me to carry my work further. The law firm I have has only a limited representation of associates, and these are only my best performing workers.
After the Communist coup performed by Russian Deputy Foreign Minister [Valerian] Zorin for the Communists, the time is broken up with invoices to settle for my work against Communism as High Commissioner in 1919. And on the instructions of the insulted Rakosi I was first of all relieved of all my functions and representatives, and subjected to all possible harassment, interrogations, etc. When I went to the delegation, as elected President of the Financial and Economic Committee of the General Assembly of the World Council of Churches, in Amsterdam, and was asked for my passport, I was arrested on the pretext of excessive imaginary charges. My whole fortune was taken, all accounts were confiscated and my Villa locked with furnishings, clothes, supplies, and everything, since it was the Consul-General of Russia; and on the same evening I was arrested as a “National Gift”, the nation was taken over, and in the night the Russians transferred the land register.
And so, my health still shattered by the persecution these Nazi monsters caused, they transferred me to the locked section of the hospital to make interrogations there. After seven months detention [In another document it says only 6 months, which I will include here, after this testimony.-T] the workers and employees of some companies succeeded to liberate me in the night on January 21-22, 1949, and led me to a kamion near the border. I had foreseen that the police would know about my escape during the night, and that’s why I escaped (uberschreitete ?) to the Hungarian border with Austria, and again by the Austrian border, since I was immediately searched with many dogs.
I managed with the help of my friends to leave the Soviet zone disguised, and made it to Switzerland where I anticipated my wife and daughter. [I have an audio recording of Olga Fabry, Pavel’s daughter, where she says that her father escaped from the prison hospital dressed as a nun, and made it across the Swiss border by train, hiding inside a beer barrel.-T]
The Swiss authorities immediately received me as a political refugee and assured me of asylum, and issued all the necessary travel documents.
To this day I am constantly witness to the most amiable concessions by the Swiss authorities.
In my description of illness, my activity in Switzerland is already cited.
Accustomed to the work of life, and since my health no longer permits regular employment, I have adopted the assistance of refugees. Since Geneva was the center of the most important refugee organizations, I was flooded with requests by the refugees of Western Europe.
I took part on the board of the Refugee Committee in Zurich and Austria, after most refugees came from Slovakia to Austria, and I had to check very carefully if there were any refugees that had been disguised. I was then elected as President of the Refugee Committee, but on the advice of the doctors treating me I had to adjust this activity, because through this work my health did not improve. Nevertheless, I succeeded in helping assist 1200 refugees in the decisive path of new existence.
Otherwise, I remain active in the Church organizations. All this human activity I naturally consider to be honorary work, and for this and for travel I never asked for a centime.
Since I am more than 62 years old, all my attempts to find international employment failed, because regulations prohibit taking on an employee at my age. It was the same case with domestic institutions.
My profession as a lawyer I can exercise nowhere, since at my age nostrification of law diplomas was not permitted. To start a business or involvement I lacked the necessary capital – since I have lost everything after my arrests by the Communists, what had remained from the persecution.
And so I expect at least the compensation for my damages in accordance with the provisions applicable to political refugees.