Tag Archives: Congo

Demand for Justice

Reading old letters from 1961, I learned Vlado’s personal request at his death was for his eyes to be donated, and for his ashes to be scattered over Mont Blanc. He was not able to donate his eyes, but it makes me happy knowing he is high up in the mountains he loved so much. Rest in peace, dear Vlado.

60 years ago today, Vlado, and everyone on board the Albertina with him, were shot out of the sky, hunted down and murdered by white supremacist mercenaries. There were so many people that wanted them dead. Our family demands that all stonewalling nations connected to this crash, the CIA, the NSA, all spy agencies, groups and organizations, including the United Nations, open up their archives and declassify all records NOW. The only way to break the chains of racism, handed down from our ancestors, is to hold our past to the light and examine it without reservations, so we can learn from our mistakes and not keep repeating them, this is true wisdom and maturity!

“…To Whom It May Concern.”

September 17, 2021, will be the 60th anniversary of the plane crash that killed our uncle Vlado, Dag Hammarskjold, and 14 of their brave colleagues while flying on a peace mission to Ndola, and we continue to wait for justice. For this reason, I am especially grateful to those who have no direct connection to the crash, who have made it their mission to help us uncover the truth with independent research and inquiry.

In July of this year, Joseph (Joe) Majerle III shared his own analysis of the crash with all the relatives, and it is an incredibly thoughtful and moving effort to support us. The points he makes deserve serious examination, and I want everyone to read it, so I am publishing it here in full – it offers a new perspective that was eye-opening for me, and lifted my spirits. Thank you, Joe!

AN ANALYSIS OF THE EVIDENCE CONTAINED IN RHODESIAN REPORT’S
ANNEXES II AND III AN D THE U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY REPORT A/5069 PERTAINING TO THE CRASH OF DOUGLAS DC-6B SE-BDY S/N 43559 ON SEPTEMBER 17-18, 1961

By Joseph Majerle III

PREFACE
I AM NOT a professional aircraft accident investigator. I am writing this account because
after reading the reports of the crash, the professional aircraft accident investigators
that were tasked with determining the facts of this tragedy, or for that matter, anyone
else that has viewed the evidence contained in the above–mentioned files, have not
come forward and pointed out the glaring misperceptions, dismissiveness of obvious
real evidence, and inappropriate focus on irrelevancies that shaped the conclusions of
the reports. In addition, there is at least one aspect that I can only describe as a
deliberate inaccuracy that I consider to be of decisive importance. The Annex III and U.N. A/5069 reports, following the original Board report, did not effectively question the
basic premises of the Investigating Board report as presumably would have been their
purpose; which is why nearly 60 years after the crash this subject is still very unresolved
for a surprising number of people.

I AM PRIMARILY, an aircraft mechanic. But, I earned a private pilot’s license and
had begun commercial and instrument flight training before earning any of my
mechanics ratings. Before I had any ratings at all, I had already built and flown my first
airplane out of salvaged, crashed, repaired and new parts. At this point, I was already
self-employed in the aircraft maintenance, salvage and rebuild business.
I started salvaging airplanes from crash sites in 1974, studying whatever evidence was
left at the scene in an effort to understand what and how the accident happened. With
the advent of the Internet and the posting of Civil Aeronautics Board (CAB) and National
Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) accident reports online, I have been able to read
many reports going back to at least to the mid 1930’s because I was interested in
learning what was known about particular incidents that I had heard about as a
youngster, and for well into adulthood.


I decided to abandon thoughts of becoming a professional pilot because at the
time there were probably ten newly qualified commercial and airline transport pilots
competing for every available job opening, and operators had their pick of the best. In
the maintenance field, however, it was the opposite story; at the flight school there was
only one mechanic, recently licensed, and not very confident at all in his abilities. As an
experienced, but not yet licensed mechanic, I assisted him in getting the flight school’s
grounded aircraft operational again. For all intent and purpose, I have never been
without work since.


I do not think it is inappropriate that I should be the person to write this report.
What is required here is a broad-based, general knowledge of aviation, aircraft, their
operations. I do not think an investigator has to have a DC-6 type rating to know how they are operated; provided one consults pilots with the rating to confirm what published documents like airplane flight manuals and Approved Type Certificate (A.T.C.)
specifications say. Here in Alaska, it is very possible that we currently have the largest
base of DC-6 experience operating, on a daily basis, in the world. I have known a great
many DC-6 type rated pilots in my lifetime, to say nothing of having been related to one
by marriage.


Any reader who wants to challenge what I state in this document is urged to
consult with their own “expert(s)”. I do not claim to be an expert on any aspect of this;
however every DC-6 expert that I consulted throughout this process confirmed readily
what I thought to be the case when I presented them with the evidence. So that is why I
think that it is time to reexamine what actually happened during the crash, as opposed
to what most of the world thinks happened. Because, the two are very different.


It is not within my area of expertise to speculate on the “why” of what caused the
precipitating action of this accident. I have read a number of reports and books over
recent years that attempt to tackle that subject, but I have nothing to contribute to what
other researchers, with apparent objective credibility, have amassed.


I am, however, bothered enough by the acceptance of the original Rhodesian
premises by the world at large and former U.N. officials, and the effect these
misconceptions have had on the descendants, relatives, and friends of the victims, crew
and passengers, that I am submitting this document to whom it may concern.

PREMISES
The Annex II report sets a number of premises that have gone unquestioned. They are,
and I will attempt to order them in terms of occurring chronology, as follows:

  1. That the aircraft crashed during the course of making a “normal instrument
    approach”.
  2. That the aircraft was not on fire prior to its collision with the anthill on the
    ground.
  3. That the crew could be faulted for not having transmitted a declaration of
    emergency during the approach.
  4. That the crew could be faulted for the wreckage being found with the landing
    lights in the off position.
  5. That the captain could be faulted for not having broadcast all of his intentions to
    the destination airport, especially in an area known to be hostile to U.N.
    personnel.
    These points, in addition to others, are where I will begin.

THE INSTRUMENT APPROACH
Annex II, part 3, par. 12.6 “. . .hit trees and the ground at a shallow angle of 5 degrees or
less, at what appears to have been normal approach speed, at an altitude of 4357 feet
MER (?) with its undercarriage locked down, flaps partially extended, and with all four engines developing power and all the propellers in the normal pitch range, heading
towards the Ndola radio beacon on a landing approach.”

There are four main parts of this statement to be addressed. They are to be
considered in light of the aircrafts position in relation to the Ndola airport, which
according to Annex II Part 1 par. 1 item 1.1 was “From Ndola aerodrome control tower
8.05 nautical miles on a true bearing 279 degrees.” 8.05 nautical miles is over 9.25
statute miles, from the airport at which it was intending to land.

01. “Normal approach speed” in my experience is based upon the aircraft’s stall
speed, landing speed, and minimum control speed in multi-engine aircraft. It varies with
combinations of all of the above and is normally calculated in percentages above the stall speed, which itself varies with differing weights, centers of gravity, bank angle,
flap/high-lift device deployment, etc. In standard airport traffic area there is also a
speed limit of 156 knots (180 mph.) Since the beginning of the age of the jumbo jets and
the airports from which they operate, the speed restrictions have been raised because
many of that class of aircraft have higher stall speeds than 156 knots (180 mph.), so for
them, there is only the 250 knots (288 mph.) below 10,000 feet rule, which I believe
applies to all airspace complying with ICAO rules.


Normal approach speed, at that stage of the approach, should have been 160
knots (184 mph.) or even more in this case, with this captain concerned about the
possibility of armed, hostile aircraft in the general area. In consultation with a DC-6
captain, he said except in very unusual circumstances the standard instrument approach speed up to the final approach fix, which in this case was the Ndola NDB, 2.5 nautical miles, 2.875 statute miles from the runway end, would be 160 knots (184 mph.)
Maximum flap extension speed is 139 knots (160 mph.)


The point that needs to be made here, and clearly with no ambiguity, is that there
would have been no reason whatsoever in a normal instrument approach, especially in
good weather conditions, to have had the aircraft slowed down to landing configuration
while over 9 miles away from the airport. Standard procedure would be to begin
deploying landing flaps and landing gear upon reaching the final approach fix, which in
this case was the Ndola NDB (non directional beacon), approx. 3 miles from the runway,
which is a fairly average distance for an NDB or a VOR (very high frequency omni-directional range) to be situated to a runway. That the aircraft was found configured for
landing at the farthest point it was going to reach away from the airport during its
instrument approach, means that the pilot would have had to slow-fly it throughout all
of the rest of the approach procedure to a landing at the airport. There is absolutely
nothing normal about that. This was the very first thing that struck me when I initially
read the report. It is indicative, however, OF A LANDING ATTEMPT AT THE LOCATION
WHERE IT CAME TO REST.

02. “. . .with its undercarriage locked down, flaps partially extended, . . .”
The DC-6 series aircraft have a stall speed of approximately 80 knots (92 mph.), and
consequently a lower approach speed than the jet airliners that replaced them beginning in the 1960’s. The closest replacement is the Boeing 737 series, which like the DC-6 have an approximately 30,000 lb. payload and were generally intended to operate from the same runways that the DC-series used. While the Boeing will neither take off or land and stop in as short a distance as a DC-6 due to its higher stall and approach speeds, the differences are not gigantic. For this project I consulted a Boeing 737 captain whose career spanned the 737-200 series thru the 900 series, and was told, again, that landing gear and landing flap settings were deployed upon reaching the final approach fix, which is generally approximately 3 miles from the end of the runway. This, in an aircraft with higher approach and landing speeds.

Wing flaps increase both lift and drag, and were originally developed to enable an
aircraft to make steeper approaches to land without increasing speed that would need to be bled off during rollout after touchdown, in other words to shorten the landing to a
stop distance. That they would also reduce the takeoff distance and improve the climb
performance was a secondary consideration. Annex II part 10 par. 10.3.4.2 states that all indications were that the flaps were in the 30 degree position. I would estimate that this is approximately optimal for lift and slow flight which would be desirable for the lowest approach and landing speed based upon experience with numerous different types of aircraft; I have flown a number of different airplanes with flap deployment angles beyond 35 degrees and noticed that at angles much beyond 35 resulted in much higher drag components than lift components and engineering books generally support that observation based on wind tunnel testing. The higher angles of extension were generally useful only for bleeding off excess altitude quickly in situations where a pilot wanted to get a lot closer to the ground in a hurry. To my experience, 30 degrees was optimal landing flap in many, but not all, types. Again, it is indicative OF A LANDING ATTEMPT AT THE LOCATION WHERE IT CAME TO REST.

03. “. . .with all 4 engines developing power . . .”
10.1.4 states “. . . the four engines were broken from their mountings and severely
damaged by impact and subsequent fire . . . .” Examination of photographs in the
appendix reveals that engines #1, 2, and 3 had fallen to the ground after the aluminum
nacelle structures melted away in the fire subsequent to coming to rest, and the straight steel tube struts of the actual engine mounts are still straight and attached to the engines. Furthermore, the above mentioned engines are all still in the approximate
positions they would have occupied on the wing with only the #4 engine having
detached in the crash sequence, and it is laying in probably very close proximity to
where it was wrenched from the wing during the cartwheel arc.

The second thing that struck me upon first viewing the wreckage plan is that almost
the entire aircraft is still in one place.10.2.1 “The main wreckage was contained in an
area approximately 60 feet by 90 feet . . . .”

The DC-6 is almost exactly 100 feet long with a 117’6” wingspan, which means after
it came to rest and cooled down the whole of the main wreckage would fit within the
same rectangle as its original size. The wreckage plan, as surveyed, indicates that the
vast majority of its original parts ended up oriented in the approximate positions that
they occupied prior to the crash. In other words, throughout the crash sequence, very
little of the aircraft was displaced from itself until very close to the end of its movement.
This indicates a low energy crash with a very slow speed impact, at least relative to even
minimum flying speed, to say nothing of a 160 knot instrument approach speed. 160
knots (184 statute mph.) is a velocity of almost exactly 270 feet per second. The wreckage plan length of 760 ft. from first point of treetop contact to ground strike of the fuselage nose (10.1.1) is approximately one half of what I have observed to occur in
unintentional controlled flight into terrain (CFIT) crashes during my time in this
business. It is, however, in addition to viewing the appendix photographs of the site that
were taken from the ground and from the air, completely consistent with the path of an
aircraft with an 80 knot stall speed being intentionally landed.

Aircraft that are only capable of even 120 knots in unintentional CFIT crashes
generally never resemble an airplane by the time all of the parts come to a stop, their
propellers are almost never still attached to the engines, their landing gear are almost
never anywhere near where they were originally attached, and their tail groups when
broken off have usually broken the control cables in overload displaying a “broomstraw” effect. In this case, when the tailcone broke off in the cartwheel there wasn’t enough energy left to pull the cables apart. If I had to estimate the minimum speed required to disintegrate the nose section of the fuselage such as is displayed in the wreckage plan and what can be seen of the remains in the photographs, I would say that it would require at most only about 50 to 60 knots to do that kind of damage. It was explained to me in 1986 by a good friend that was a DC-6 captain at that time, that the 4-engine DC-series had a somewhat fragile nose landing gear structure but not unusually so compared to other makes in it’s class; but when they tore out of the fuselage it often did a lot of other damage and could possibly make the incident beyond economic repair. I saw an example of that just last fall (2020) where a DC-4 had its nose landing gear torn out in a ditch at barely more than walking speed; the damage extended through both sides of the factory break joint where the nose (flight deck, cockpit) section attaches to the forward fuselage section and the operator decided that it was beyond economical repair, according to a conversation with his director of maintenance. This should reflect no discredit on the part of the designers; from personal experience repairing nose landing gear damage on many different types of nosewheel type airplanes it is generally a fragile part of all of them.

04. “. . .and all the propellers in the normal pitch range, . . .”
This statement stretches ambiguity beyond limits. The Hamilton Standard
43E60/6895A-8 propellers such as were installed on SE-BDY (of which I have owned
several sets and still possess a crate full of hub and dome parts) has a normal pitch
range of approximately 90 degrees from neutral for feathering and forward thrust and maybe 20 degrees aft of neutral for reverse thrust. 10.3.4.4 states: “Inspection of the propeller stop ring assemblies confirmed that the angular setting of all propellers was in the constant speed range.”

First, the stop rings do not determine the constant speed range; they are only the
outer limits of the blade travel, at full feather and full reverse. The constant speed range
is a function of the engine driven governor and the distributor valve assembly housed
within the hub and dome and is sensed with electrical switches attached to the blades
and actuated with an electric motor driven oil pump mounted on the engine reduction
gear nose case immediately behind the propeller hub, with a rubber/spring lip seal
interfacing the parting surfaces. The only way to determine the angular setting of the
blades in this installation is to measure with a propeller protractor against the rotational axis.

Second, the constant speed range is also a function of the engine turning at a high
enough RPM for the governor to supply enough boosted oil pressure to operate the
distributor valve to keep the blades off of the low pitch stop, which in reversing
propellers such as these is again a function of the distributor valve. But for the purposes of this analysis, that is not important.

Third, the photographic evidence, is what is important. The U.N. report appendix
contains photographs with 16-digit letter/number codes, of which I saved fifteen to a
file, beginning with S-0727-0004-01-00002, and following will be referencing the last
two digits. I will reference the individual blades in clock face numbers, as viewed from
the rear of the engine looking forward as is standard practice.

It is difficult to differentiate between engine#1 and engine#4 because there were
fewer views of #4, but both could be identified by orientation with the wreckage plan. It
is readily apparent that both of these had almost identical damage to their blades, except that the third blade on #4 is not visible. Photo 07 shows #4 with the 10 o’clock blade in standard reverse thrust position. The 2 o’clock blade has had its spring pack drives sheared in overload during the ground strike and has rotated on its pivot axis into an approximate reverse feather position, with its trailing edge forward instead of its leading edge when in standard feather mode. This indicates that its leading edge struck the ground hard enough to shear the spring packs while the leading edge of the blade was rotated aft of its plane of rotation, in other words while at a reverse thrust angle. With 2 of the 3 blades coming to rest in a reverse thrust angle, I think it’s safe to assume that the propeller was fully operating in the reverse thrust mode at time of impact.

The #1 engine is well represented in the photographs, with all blades visible.
Photo 16 shows the 10 o’clock blade in standard reverse thrust position, spring
packs intact. The 2 o’clock blade is in reverse feather position, spring packs sheared
as per the same blade on the #4 engine, and the 6 o’clock blade is also in standard
reverse thrust position, spring packs intact, but has bent aft throughout its length
progressively to the tip which is common when rotation is coming to a stop while the
engine and airframe behind it are still moving forward. That the propellers on
engines #1 and #4 are far less damaged than the ones on #2 and #3 is partially due
to the fact that they were mounted higher on the wings due to wing dihedral, and
didn’t penetrate the ground as deeply when they struck.

Photo 07 shows #2 engine with its 2 o’clock blade rotated into a reverse feather
position also, spring packs sheared. The broken off shank of what would be the 10
o’clock blade is in standard feather position, spring packs intact. What would be the 6
o’clock blade is not visible in this view, and I haven’t found any other photos showing it,
but based on its proximity to the ground I think it’s reasonable to assume that it also was sheared off during its ground strike.

Photo 33 shows #3 engine, which reveals its 2 o’clock blade broken off at what I
would estimate at most to be its 25” station, which is measured from the propeller shaft
centerline. It is clearly in a standard reverse thrust position, spring packs intact. The 10
o’clock blade is broken off 1.5” to 2” outboard of the hub clamp halves, so close to its
round shank section that its angular position is inconclusive. The 6 o’clock blade has
broken off inside of the hub clamp halves through the blade bushing bore; it obviously
fragmented into a number of pieces. As with all three of the other engine’s propellers, I
think it is reasonable to assume that the #3 propeller was fully in the reverse thrust mode when the blades struck the ground. I would deduce from the condition of the #3
propeller that it was positioned to penetrate the ground the deepest and most solidly of
the four. The #3 engine also received by far the most fire damage after coming to rest
most likely due to its proximity to the most remaining fuel in the right hand wing. I will
discuss this in more detail later.

I have thought long and hard about how to estimate how much power the engines
were developing at the moment the propellers struck the ground, and it is a difficult
question. The propeller blades were group 4, an early post-war development and were
the strongest of all the Hamiltons ever built for piston engines, generally used only on
the latest and most powerful post-war radial engines. I am not aware of any empirical
strike strength tests, which is not to say that Hamilton Standard didn’t conduct any, I
just haven’t heard about them. If I had to guess I would estimate that it would require a
high-cruise manifold pressure setting to shear them off and break them through the
blade bore bushing hole as is evident in the photos. The captain clearly had gotten the
throttles well forward and was making a lot of reverse thrust before the nose landing
gear collapsed and the nose and propellers hit the ground.

THE WRECKAGE PLAN
The Annex II wreckage plan and the photographs of the descent path appear to show a
deliberate, controlled descent with directional control maintained all the way to the
anthill, as though it was intentional, and I am suggesting that it was.

I had difficulty scaling the exact measurements of where the small parts that
were torn from the aircraft came to rest relative to the initial tree contact, and varying
figures are given for the height of the anthill from 9 to 12 feet, which I would have
thought would be consistent with the whole site having been charted by professional
surveyors, but in reality this is not important.

What is important is to realize that only 760 feet from initial treetop contact the
aircraft was rolling with all three landing gear on the ground, right side up, travelling in
a straight line, directionally under control.

At some point not far from the anthill the left wing bottom skins were breached,
presumably by a tree trunk, the top of which would have been broken off by the wing
leading edge and spar(s), opening up one or more fuel bays and dumping their contacts
to the ground in a concentrated area, which fueled the incinerated area shown at that
location in the wreckage plan. As stated earlier, this would contribute to the reason that
the #1 and #2 engines on the left side of the aircraft were less heavily fire damaged post-crash than the engines on the right side. However, the overall strength of the main wing box structure remained sufficiently adequate to retain its basic shape to provide the arm about which the entire aircraft would pivot upon striking close to the base of the anthill, leading edge down, and not be sheared off at that point. Obviously, the wing leading edge outboard of the engines is what actually contacted the anthill, and initiated the cartwheel, as both of the left hand engines stayed with the wing and came to rest close to their original positions on the wing.


At some point close to the anthill, (and somebody could probably do a better job
of quantifying the actual measurement from the wreckage plan), but it is not marked as such, the nose landing gear structure was overloaded in the undisturbed forest terrain
and collapsed. Which is to say that the oleo strut and its retraction/extension linkage
was torn from its mounting structure and its broken pieces were spread along the
ground from forward movement of the rest of the aircraft behind it. I looked long and
hard in the wreckage plan to find the exact point where the nose gear departed, but
could only find reference to a “steel shaft” alongside the base of the anthill, and couldn’t
find it in the photos. Presumably, the “steel shaft” was the nose strut piston tube, which
is a steel tube approximately 5” in diameter, and it was about where I would have
expected it to be in this case. Other associated parts of the nose gear system were a little farther along the path, again where I would have expected them to be. I could find no reference to where the nosewheel and tire came to rest, which is important from the
standpoint of knowing how long it was on the ground before failing, which was in some
measure the fate sealer for the crew and passengers. I did find reference to an
unidentified portion of wheel rim on the right hand side of the path and well before the
anthill, but whether it was from the nosewheel or one of the dual main wheels may
never be known. Photo 19 shows one of the main landing gear assemblies with the
remains of both tires and wheels in place and another photo shows the same for the
other MLG, so it is certain that all of the main wheel tires stayed in place throughout.
While on the subject of the main landing gear, the DC-6 MLG units retract forward into
their nacelle bays, and their retraction/extension links for normal operation on the
ground loads the links in tension, which for metallic structures allows them to be at their strongest, especially in terms of retaining their shape when loaded. The photos show that the links had failed in compression and had bent, which would be expected to happen upon the main wheels striking the ground while traveling backwards during the cartwheel, and partially retracting back into their nacelle bays. But, effectively, they
stayed in place throughout the crash, again indicative of a relatively low speed
occurrence.

As stated above, shortly after landing with all three landing gear on the ground,
close to the anthill, at probably the worst possible location and time, with all four
engines evenly at fairly high power settings in reverse thrust in what would have been a
desperate attempt to slow the momentum of the aircraft and get it stopped, (but what is in reality standard operating procedure), the nose landing gear collapsed, instantly
dropping the nose section of the belly and fuselage to the ground, pivoting on the main
wheel axles. When this happened, the propeller blades began contacting the ground,
bending and breaking them off, and the wing leading edge from end to end rotated
downwards, drastically lowering in height. As the fuselage nose belly skins, stringers,
formers etc. began crushing and tearing away it allowed the wing leading edge to get
even closer to the ground, until the left side contacted the anthill nearer the base than
the top, which initiated the cartwheel. Had the nose gear remain in place, there is at
least a chance that a relatively level wing might have been able to ride up and over it and the aircraft’s momentum to remain linear, and with even a few more seconds of reverse thrust as braking action, the survival odds would have increased dramatically.. The noted fragment of wheel rim found along the glide path, if from the single nosewheel, and if large enough to have allowed the tire to depart from the wheel, I think in this terrain would have guaranteed the failure of the nose gear assembly.

I think a further word here about center of gravity is appropriate. SE-BDY as it
departed Leopoldville was handicapped with a forward C.G. (center of gravity), with
little or no aft cabin load. The DC-6, as with all large airliners, was designed to carry its
nominal 15-ton payload distributed throughout the cabin from end to end and as with
most aircraft have the load approximately centered on the wing, since that is what is
supporting everything. In this case, with the passengers and their gear in the forward
part of the cabin, the C.G. would have been well toward its forward limit, known as nose
heavy. This means that the pilot, under any circumstance, would have a harder time
holding the nose off the ground with the elevators than if there was weight in the
fuselage behind the main wheels assisting him with the balance.

I have flown airplanes with only the pilots in the front seats and nothing in the aft
cabin where the nosewheel could not be held off the runway whatsoever upon landing.
With power at idle, when the main wheels touched the nosewheel slammed to the
runway instantly because the C.G. was well forward of the mains. At least three different DC-6 pilots I have known over the years have told me that they much preferred flying them with a somewhat aft C.G. because of the better balance. In this case however, I think it could be listed as a contributing factor to the deadliness because after getting the main wheels to the ground, with the propellers in reverse and no accelerated air flow over the elevators, the captain was unlikely to have been able to keep the nosewheel from slamming to the ground immediately and beginning the sequence of breakup of the forward fuselage structure.

ABOUT THOSE ALTIMETERS . . .
There are numerous references throughout the reports about the barometric altimeters, three each, forming one of the major premises upon which the reports conclusions are based. So many, in fact, that I am not going to bother referencing them here. The Board (Annex II) and the Commission (Annex III) both spared no expense to prove beyond any shadow of doubt that the their Air Traffic Control (ATC) had properly informed the crew of the altimeter setting and that Transair had properly maintained their instruments and aircraft, as well, and that there should be no discredit reflected upon the servants of and the country hosting the visitors. If those visiting aircrews could not pay attention to their altimeters and keep from flying into the ground while executing an otherwise exemplary instrument approach it was not the host’s fault..
There is one very major problem with this.

There were four altimeters installed in this aircraft. The fourth altimeter was an
“AVQ-10 Receiver Transmitter (Radar) “, per Annex II Par. 6.2 Page 15, line 3. That, and a
reference on the “Enlarged Portion of Wreckage Plan” to a “Radio Altimeter” on the
extreme left hand side of the page are the only times throughout all of the original
reports that its existence was ever mentioned.
And it was decisively important.

Mankind had long awaited a means to know exactly how far the ground was
below you and how far away an obstacle was in front of you while making instrument
approaches. Barometric pressure gauge instruments were reliable but didn’t give you all the information you really wanted and needed for making truly blind instrument approaches. With the WWII British development of the cavity magnetron, which made
radar small enough to be carried aboard aircraft, it was a short step away to build an
accurate radar altimeter. The DC-6 was among the very first of the postwar civil aircraft
to be fitted with them. By then, airlines couldn’t afford not to have them. And all of the
pilots that I have ever known use them when they have them during instrument
approaches especially when near the ground. They tell me that they are a very
reassuring and confidence-building device.

It is inconceivable that captain Hallonquist was not using the radar altimeter, if
he needed an altimeter at all, throughout the portion of the instrument approach that
the aircraft completed. Barometric altimeters are fine for flight where there are large
safe heights above ground level and sufficiently accurate for keeping airplanes at known levels relative to each other but when you start getting close to the ground in conditions of poor or no visibility the radar altimeter is what is going to tell you where the ground or a solid object is in front of you.

I mentioned above about needing an altimeter at all. In the USA, in order to
qualify for a private pilot certificate, a student must accomplish a certain number of
landings and fly a certain number of hours at night during official after-sunset periods,
(night time). This must be accomplished visually, under official VFR (visual flight rules)
conditions. I am fairly certain that the rules to qualify for airman certificates in Sweden
or the UK would be pretty similar, and in fact for all ICAO (International Civil Aviation
Organization) countries. Without access to his logbooks, it’s a foregone conclusion to
assume that with over 7800 flight hours captain Hallonquist was competent and
comfortable with night VFR landings. On the night in question, the weather 38 minutes
before the crash, per Annex II chap. 5 par.5.3 page 14, the visibility was 5 to 10 miles
with slight smoke haze, with ceiling not given, but presumably nil cloud cover from the
last prior routine weather observation, 3-1/2 hours before. So there is no reason to
assume that the crew couldn’t see where the ground was.

Prior to the advent of aircraft with auto-land capability, which was probably not
until at least the mid-1970’s and to my knowledge didn’t come into service until the
early 1980’s, all, at least all civilian airplane landings were made visually by the human
pilot. Even instrument landings were made visually, even when the approaches were
made coupled to an autopilot. If at some minimum height above the ground at some
certain distance from the end of the runway, and these numbers varied with different
airports and with differently equipped aircraft, the pilot could not see the end of the
runway to land the approach was called missed, power was applied and the aircraft
climbed away to either try the approach again or proceed to an alternate airport where
the weather was hopefully better. But all landings required the pilot, at some point, to
see the runway visually. And the pilot was only using the altimeter to know where to not
descend below. To this day, the vast majority of airplane landings worldwide are still
done this way.

Upon reaching Ndola, the aircraft established communications with the tower
informing them that they had the airport in sight. At that point the captain could have
made a VFR landing within the airport traffic area (ATA) without following the
instrument approach procedure. Transair company policy was that if the crew was
unfamiliar with an airport, and captain Hallonquist had never been to Ndola before, an
instrument approach was to be made. The captain could have ignored this but he was obviously the type of person that would rather follow the rules and go by the book than
ever have to explain in the future why he did not. I fully understand this philosophy, it is
how I’ve tried to live my own life. It can be well imagined that for an instant it crossed
his mind that he could just set up and land while he was right there, but he knew that an instrument approach was just a few minutes more, no big deal, we can see the ground, no appreciable weather. In other words, he didn’t really need an altimeter to tell him where the ground was. He could see the ground. And the radar altimeter told him exactly how high above the ground he was.

THE PRECIPITATING EVENT
To my observation, in the study of aircraft accidents throughout the course of my life,
there is almost always a precipitating event that sets off a chain of actions, reactions,
counteractions, etc. that results in the crashed aircraft somewhere on the surface of
earth. In this case, it is known from Annex II that the captain communicated to Ndola
tower that all was well and within minutes the aircraft was being incinerated with its
own wing fuel and that fifteen of the sixteen occupants lives had ended, and that the last would succumb in less than a week. That person, Sgt. Harold Julien, was the only
eyewitness to the crash.

To my experience, eyewitness testimony is considered evidence in a court of law,
at least in this country. I am unfamiliar with Rhodesian law in the 1960’s, but in the USA
in the 1960’s Sgt. Julien’s statements would have been considered evidence in a crash
investigation. Since there is no other actual evidence to the contrary, and testimony of
ground observers about the airport over-flight and entry to the instrument approach
procedure are insufficiently conclusive to determine externally what the precipitating
event was, it seems logical to me that Sgt. Julien’s statements, as brief as they are, are the only thing that can be considered as evidence in a search for the cause of the chain of events leading to the crash.

In the UN Commission report, par. 129., Senior Inspector Allen testified to the
U.N. Commission that he spoke with Sgt. Julien and asked him three questions; 1. “What
happened? He said: ‘It blew up’.” 2. “Was this over the runway? And he said ‘Yes’. “ 3.
“What happened then? And he replied: ‘There was great speed—great speed’.”
“It blew up—”
“—over the runway.”

I have read all three of these reports several times and still don’t understand the
reluctance of the investigators, including the U.N. and the Swedish observers, to not
make those six words the central point, the number one item on the list of where to
begin to find the truth about what happened. Especially from the standpoint of
determining whether or not there is fault to be assigned to the flight crew.

Assuming Sgt. Julien was belted into any seat in the forward cabin, looking out
the side window on whichever side he was sitting on, he may or may not have had a
view of the lighted runway and the town of Ndola but it is likely that the captain would
have informed the passengers that they had arrived overhead Ndola and would be
setting up to land there. It would have been the last thing he could identify location-wise and anywhere in that vicinity for him would be “over the runway”. I don’t know if Inspector Allen was deliberately trying to trip him up or why he asked him if it was over
the runway when he knew that the aircraft had overflown the runway and not blown up
there, but, it seems to me, it was an unusual question to ask a person in Sgt. Julien’s
condition. What I am getting at here is that Sgt. Julien knew where the runway was and
that the aircraft had blown up. They sound like lucid answers to me, and not as though
he was thinking about horses or submarines, for example.

In my view, in light of all of the data and evidence of all of the pages of all of the
reports and the information displayed in all of the images of all of the photographs in the U.N. file, the only thing I can see that qualifies as a precipitating event is Sgt. Julien’s: “It blew up”.
And he was the only one left that was there when it happened.

Airplanes have been blowing up for a long time, in fact for almost as long as
they’ve been in existence. There is a lot of video of it happening; I can think of footage
that I’ve seen going back to the 1920’s. And I’ve been on-scene to ones within seconds to minutes after the explosion. I’ve salvaged wrecks after the fact, and studied the effects of explosions on structures and materials.

To my experience and observation, on metallic structures, if some event ignites
the fuel vapors, it is the vapors that explode and the still-liquid fuel then burns, but the
explosive event is by then over. During the explosion some weak area in or near a seam
will give way and tear open, leaving, in effect, a chimney from which the burning fuel
would exhaust. In aluminum stressed-skin wet wing or bladder tank explosions, there is
usually a torn section of skin along a rib or a stringer or even a spar, (weakened because of the drilled holes for rivets) that has opened up and from which the the fire burned upward out. I have never seen an example where the fire burned downward; only upward. Presumably, because heat rises.

In viewing video of air combat, of which many hours exist of footage of most of
the combatant countries back to at least WWII, when an airplane being shot at catches
fire and smoke begins trailing behind, it is subtle but noticeable that the flames are still
burning upward and the smoke is trailing slightly upward.

Another thing that struck me when I was standing near a burning airplane at
night, while the fire department was trying to extinguish it with water, which was rather
ineffective, was how brightly a gasoline fire lit up the sky in the dark.

As stated earlier, aircraft fuel tanks have been blowing up resulting in the
destruction of the aircraft for a long time, for a number of reasons. The incendiary
(tracer) bullet was developed during WWI to ignite the hydrogen gas in enemy airships
and observation balloons, and was very effective, not only for that purpose but also to
ignite the fuel in airplane fuel tanks. As TWA 800 proved in 1996, chafing electrical
wiring after arcing long enough could blow a hole through an aluminum alloy sheet and
ignite fuel vapors that would explode the tank so violently that it initiated an inflight
breakup. About two weeks after that, right here in Alaska an engine failure on a DC-6 led to a chain of events that resulted in ignition of one of the wing fuel tanks which was left to burn long enough to result in the wing folding up and an inflight breakup.
Electrostatic discharge (ESD)(static electricity) igniting empty or only partially full fuel
tanks was known to have damaged or destroyed (I am going by memory here) about 25 civilian turbojet airliners and comparable heavy military aircraft (bombers, tankers,
transports) combined since the introduction of the jet age. For that reason, after an
airliner lands at an airport and taxis to its gate and shuts down, along with chocking the
wheels a ground cable is attached to a fitting in the structure to remove the static charge it has built up while flying through the air. An airline line mechanic colleague tells me that he has measured as much as 50 volts upon making that connection.

But ESD is unlikely to have been the cause of the explosion that SE-BDY
experienced. However, the explosion that Sgt. Julien described is most likely to have
been the precipitating event that caused captain Hallonquist to make the decision to get the airplane on the ground, now, immediately if not sooner.

FORCED LANDINGS
Forced landings have happened throughout history for nearly countless reasons, but
several of the reasons account for the vast majority of the occurrences. Topping the list
would be engine failure; if your engine fails you have no choice but to put it down
wherever you happen to be. That would be in the involuntary forced landing category. In the voluntary forced landing category, and some statistical database could prove me
wrong, but to my experience inflight fire would be at the top. I have before me a list of
seven airplanes that I had some thread of connection to in some form or other that were force landed by their pilots into whatever terrain was below them at that moment
because it was the only chance they had to stay alive. One of the seven, the
aforementioned DC-6, technically doesn’t qualify as an attempted forced landing,
because of the captain’s indecision, but all of them resulted in aircraft that never flew
again, and in five of the seven all survived, but with some minor injuries. In the other
two, there were no survivors. The incidents I am referring to here all occurred in Alaska
since 1977, and it is likely that there have been others that never came to my attention.
All seven of them were due to inflight fires. One of the seven was a new customer of
mine, but the aircraft was one I had never and was destined to never work on.

After almost five months of examining these three reports, the conclusion I would draw
is that the case of SE-BDY fits into the category of a voluntary attempted forced landing
due to an inflight explosion and fire that was successful until its final seconds, and then
an unseen and un-seeable solid object ended its chance for a successful termination.

THE LAST ACTIONS
I will attempt to re-create the final minutes of the flight of SE-BDY based on the
information in the reports, as I would visualize it to have to have occurred. I want to
remind the reader that the largest airplane that I have ever steered through the sky was
a DC-3, which is for all practical purposes not all that different from a DC-6. The ancillary
control systems in the DC-6 were substantially different in being mostly electrical relay
controlled, it had two more engines, and there were more systems in general such as
anti-detonant injection (water/methanol) for the engines, reversing propellers, BMEP gauges for fine-tuning engine power and fuel mixture, etc.; it is a considerably more
complex machine. But for the purposes of understanding what actions were taken and
their results, it would have been basically as follows:

01. The aircraft has descended from the east toward Ndola from its reported
maximum cruise altitude of 16,000 ft. and establishes communications with the
control tower. It has just flown a long trip, far out of its way to avoid aircraft
hostile to U.N. personnel and has avoided radio transmissions as much as
possible to avoid detection. The captain states his intentions to enter the NDB
instrument approach and is told to report reaching 6000 ft. There are no further
communications with the tower.

02. It is likely that at last communication with the tower that the aircraft was already
at 6000 ft., based on airport personnel statements and the extreme likelihood
that the captain already had the Ndola approach plate in front of him, and had
based his descent rate into Ndola to arrive near the minimum descent altitude
(MDA) for the area.

03. The aircraft turns onto the outbound course leg and airspeed adjusted to at least
160 knots indicated airspeed. The Ndola approach plate in the U.N. report
appendix gave times for approaches at 180 and 200 knots in addition; there is no
way to ever know what speed was actually used. My best guess is that it would
have been 160 knots.

04. At some point approximately but probably more than half way on the outbound
leg course the precipitating event occurs. There is a bang, a flash of light, and
then a constant partial illumination of the night sky on the left side of the
aircraft.

05. The captain looks out the left cabin window and sees a section of the upper wing
skin torn open upwards, with bright yellow flames billowing rearward behind
that area. It is possible that he can feel some diminished lift component from the
spoiler-effect of the damaged wing skin on that side, and may have moved the
aileron trim to compensate.

06. Seeing this, the captain realizes quickly that they cannot expect the wing to last
long enough for them to make it the three or more minutes it would take to get
back to the Ndola runway; that they probably have only some number of seconds
to live. He determines that he is going to land the airplane onto the ground in
front of him, whatever that looks like, before the airplane breaks up. He is not
going to waste the time it takes to inform Ndola tower of the situation; flight
crews generally never do. Investigators wish they would.

07. With his right hand he reaches up and pulls the throttles back; with his left he
holds some back pressure on the elevators and with his right hand then starts
trimming the elevators nose up. Airspeed begins to decrease, heading toward
flap extension speed.

08. The captain has already told the first officer and flight engineer his intentions;
they are assisting him in the other physical actions necessary to configure the
aircraft for slow flight and landing. It’s possible that the first officer is also
assisting him in holding pressure on the ailerons to keep the wings level.

09. The aircraft is slowing down into flap extension range, beginning to descend, the
captain is trimming the nose up on and off, waiting to get down to landing gear
extension speed, for a large drag component to bleed off the excess altitude. The
captain is nominally staying on the turn-back arc of the instrument approach.

10. The aircraft has slowed enough for landing flap angle, then landing gear speed is
reached and the captain calls for gear down.

11. With the aircraft slowed well down, in an effort to speed the descent and get rid
of the excess altitude, the captain pushes the nose down with the elevators. The
wind noise increases, and with the nose down attitude the occupants get a sense
of “great speed”, but in reality the DC-6’s landing profile is comparatively steeply
nose down in normal conditions, opposite that of jet airliners, that land steeply
nose up. The large double-slotted wing flaps, and modest wing loading allow for
impressively steep descents at comparatively low airspeeds.

12. Seeing and sensing the proximity to the treetops, the captain begins putting back
pressure on the control column, judging the round-out with the experience of
1445 hours in DC-6’s, and rolls out of the procedure turn onto the return course
to the NDB. He is possibly helped in his depth perception sight picture by some
of the small campfires that the local charcoal makers have burning sprinkled
around the general area. He probably doesn’t need landing lights; they are useful
for illuminating reflective objects and lighter colored areas/objects, but can be
only distracting if there is nothing light to reflect.

13. Having leveled off just above the treetops, the captain retards the throttles to
idle and holds back pressure on the elevators and adds more nose up trim to
relieve the pressure, bleeding off more speed toward the stall. It is possible that
the thought occurs to him for a few thousandths of a second that if he makes it
through this, in the future he will insist on having some ballast in the tail on
these otherwise fairly empty charter trips. Now would be a good time to be a bit
tail-heavy.

14. The aircraft is gently settling, the treetops are beginning to brush the belly, the
propellers are chopping off twigs, there are probably some unfamiliar sounds
resulting from this.

15. The ever-increasingly sized tree branches are clattering off the sides of the
fuselage from the propellers now, the sounds of tree trunks snapping off beneath
the belly and wings can be heard clearly. A somewhat larger tree trunk contacts
the left wing leading edge a little inboard of the tip rib and shears through the
light skin, stringers, etc. and the wing tip falls away to the ground. That left wing
just can’t be held up quite level, but the aircraft is still traveling straight, into a
little darker darkness.

16. The captain throws the propeller switches into the reverse thrust position as a
group with his right hand and when the propellers start translating he reaches
for the throttles and begins advancing them forward.

17. The aircraft is halfway or more to the ground and the trees are breaking off
lower and lower. The manifold pressures are coming well up and the engines are
roaring, the propellers are chopping off ever-increasing sizes of limbs and
trunks. The reverse thrust in addition to the arresting effect of the bending and
breaking trees are having an effect; the aircraft is well below stall speed now. Landing gear doors are being battered and tearing off, as well as pieces of wing
skin, wing flap skin, and possibly horizontal stabilizer leading edge skin.

18. The aircraft has made it to the ground; all three landing gear are on the forest
floor. The burning left wing has not had enough time to shed molten sections of
skin yet, due to the occurrence at pattern height and the captain’s immediate
decision to get the airplane on the ground.

19. The left wing pushes over a larger tree, probably just outboard of the main
wheels that doesn’t surrender easily and tears a sizeable hole through the
bottom wing skins, instantly dumping a significant quantity of already burning
fuel onto the ground.

20. Some or all of the flight deck crew could possibly, for some very small fraction of
a second, think that this might turn out OK. They are on the ground, upright, still
largely in one piece, all still strapped into their seats, uninjured.

21. The aircraft at this time is effectively a 38-ton bulldozer, mowing down trees on
a forest floor that has probably been undisturbed for centuries, if not millennia; I
don’t know the history of that area. Except that it’s not built like a bulldozer, and
I doubt that one has ever been built that would move at whatever speed it was
going at this moment on its own. The nose landing gear at this time cannot
withstand the combination of ground roughness, imposed weight, speed,
possibly flat or even missing tire, and/or other unknown factors, and collapses,
tearing out and further weakening the surrounding structure. The forward
fuselage and nose section have pushed the nose gear down to its collapse, and
relieved of its resistance continue to plunge downward, crushing and tearing the
light aluminum structure to pieces as the forward shifting center of gravity
exacerbates the situation even further, as it is effectively standing what
originally was a 100 ft. long fuselage on its end.

22. Immediately after this, with the nose section disintegrating, the wing leading
edges rotated downward, and well powered-up engines and propellers slicing
the ground, the left wing leading edge contacts near the base of the anthill, and
the 38 ton mass with still considerable momentum rotates around it, side-loading the second fuselage section that attaches presumably to the front spar
section of the wing, ultimately severing it.

I don’t think I need to go any farther with this; I assume the reader knows the rest of the
story.

For the aircraft to have been found as described and photographed in the reports, it
would have had to happen generally as I have described. A type-rated DC-6 captain
could certainly provide more and better detail of the specifics of operations and actions,
and a mechanic with a lot of DC-6 experience could provide more and better detail of
how things worked in this case, and here in Alaska there is and has been a lot of DC-6
experience, but to my knowledge none have researched this case and come forward with their observations. I suspect that most who are currently alive are unaware of it. I don’t think I had heard of it until maybe ten years ago at the most. But, those who were aware of it at the time, even as children, have kept the account of the crash alive, and rightfully so, as it is an injustice to the memory of those whose lives were cut short.

In my view, the flight crew did everything right. I can’t see a single place where I
wouldn’t have done the same thing in that situation. I can’t imagine that approach
through the trees and the touchdown on the forest floor to have been accomplished
more skillfully by anyone I’ve ever heard of, Eric Brown or Bob Hoover, anybody. I can
only hope that I would instantly swallow my fear and act decisively in a similar situation,
as this captain and crew did. They are as shining an example to all that it can be done, as others I have known and have heard of have done, as there is.

To me, it is really, and I mean really, obvious what happened there.

I have written this for the offspring, the relatives, and friends of the victims, in hopes
that the dark cloud of implication that has surrounded this crew, completely
unreasonably I believe, for some six decades now, can finally be lifted.

Joseph (Joe) Majerle III
Anchorage, Alaska
July 2021

Vlado and the Mercenaries: Operation Rum Punch

The United Nations will be 75 years old this October 24th, and when I see how certain member nations react to having their human rights abuses pointed out to them, how they bully and attempt to silence others, interfere with elections, poison their tea, kidnap, arrest, dismember them, or shoot down their planes, it only reaffirms how important the UN truly is; how important it is that all nations be able to come together and communicate honestly with each other for peace. The UN makes a difference in so many lives every day around the world, and it made a huge difference in the lives of the Fabry family, pretty much saving Vlado’s life by giving him a legal position in 1946 and getting him out of Prague – Vlado was lucky to live to age 40.

In May of this year, I was sent an interview of Vlado’s personal secretary at Hotel Le Royal in Leopoldville(now Kinshasa), from Maurin Picard, author of “Ils Ont Tue Monsieur H”, and she says she “had worked for weeks with Vladimir Fabry and the issue of the “frightfuls”, these mercenaries.

“I made dozens of photocopies from these documents that had been somehow collected and that had to do with these mercenaries. Vladimir Fabry worked a great deal on this issue. We did an extensive research on these documents.”

She gives her recollection of 17 September 1961: “That day, when I arrived at my office, Vladimir Fabry immediately requested to dictate some telegrams. I spent the whole afternoon doing that: typing messages, then bringing them to the “chiffre” for them to be coded accordingly with the recipient’s identity.

By the time I was finished, they were getting ready to leave for the airport.

Before leaving, Vladimir Fabry was so thrilled.

Happy as a kid who was just offered a new toy.

Albeit a very reserved character, he was practically jumping on his feet.

He came into my office and said excitedly: “M******, I am leaving with the Secretary-General! I am trusting you with my car keys!”

He had to be very happy, for he would never have done such a thing otherwise. His car was an official UN vehicle. He told me I could use it all the time during his absence.”

In connection to mercenaries, here is one more document of interest I found during my visit to the UN archives in May 2015, concerning Vlado and Operation Rum Punch; when 79 mercenaries working for Katanga were arrested on 28 August 1961. From Series 0793-0012-81, with folder description “UNOC: Mercenaries, Fabry”, a letter from Conor Cruise O’Brien to Michel Tombelaine in English, with the legal advice of Vladimir Fabry in French:



Tear Down and Destroy the Statues of Cecil Rhodes and King Leopold II, Black Lives Matter!

Remember Patrice Lumumba and why he was murdered! Stand up for black lives, end the system of slavery and cruelty!

Patrice Lumumba
The First Prime Minister of the Congo (Zaire)
On June 30, 1960, Independence Day

Men and women of the Congo,

Victorious fighters for independence, today victorious, I greet you in the name of the Congolese Government. All of you, my friends, who have fought tirelessly at our sides, I ask you to make this June 30, 1960, an illustrious date that you will keep indelibly engraved in your hearts, a date of significance of which you will teach to your children, so that they will make known to their sons and to their grandchildren the glorious history of our fight for liberty.

For this independence of the Congo, even as it is celebrated today with Belgium, a friendly country with whom we deal as equal to equal, no Congolese worthy of the name will ever be able to forget that is was by fighting that it has been won [applause], a day-to-day fight, an ardent and idealistic fight, a fight in which we were spared neither privation nor suffering, and for which we gave our strength and our blood.

We are proud of this struggle, of tears, of fire, and of blood, to the depths of our being, for it was a noble and just struggle, and indispensable to put an end to the humiliating slavery which was imposed upon us by force.

This was our fate for eighty years of a colonial regime; our wounds are too fresh and too painful still for us to drive them from our memory. We have known harassing work, exacted in exchange for salaries which did not permit us to eat enough to drive away hunger, or to clothe ourselves, or to house ourselves decently, or to raise our children as creatures dear to us.

We have known ironies, insults, blows that we endured morning, noon, and evening, because we are Negroes. Who will forget that to a black one said “tu”, certainly not as to a friend, but because the more honorable “vous” was reserved for whites alone?

We have seen our lands seized in the name of allegedly legal laws which in fact recognized only that might is right.

We have seen that the law was not the same for a white and for a black, accommodating for the first, cruel and inhuman for the other.

We have witnessed atrocious sufferings of those condemned for their political opinions or religious beliefs; exiled in their own country, their fate truly worse than death itself.

We have seen that in the towns there were magnificent houses for the whites and crumbling shanties for the blacks, that a black was not admitted in the motion-picture houses, in the restaurants, in the stores of the Europeans; that a black traveled in the holds, at the feet of the whites in their luxury cabins.

Who will ever forget the massacres where so many of our brothers perished, the cells into which those who refused to submit to a regime of oppression and exploitation were thrown [applause]?

All that, my brothers, we have endured.

But we, whom the vote of your elected representatives have given the right to direct our dear country, we who have suffered in our body and in our heart from colonial oppression, we tell you very loud, all that is henceforth ended.

The Republic of the Congo has been proclaimed, and our country is now in the hands of its own children.

Together, my brothers, my sisters, we are going to begin a new struggle, a sublime struggle, which will lead our country to peace, prosperity, and greatness.

Together, we are going to establish social justice and make sure everyone has just remuneration for his labor [applause].

We are going to show the world what the black man can do when he works in freedom, and we are going to make of the Congo the center of the sun’s radiance for all of Africa.

We are going to keep watch over the lands of our country so that they truly profit her children. We are going to restore ancient laws and make new ones which will be just and noble.

We are going to put an end to suppression of free thought and see to it that all our citizens enjoy to the full the fundamental liberties foreseen in the Declaration of the Rights of Man [applause].

We are going to do away with all discrimination of every variety and assure for each and all the position to which human dignity, work, and dedication entitles him.

We are going to rule not by the peace of guns and bayonets but by a peace of the heart and the will [applause].

And for all that, dear fellow countrymen, be sure that we will count not only on our enormous strength and immense riches but on the assistance of numerous foreign countries whose collaboration we will accept if it is offered freely and with no attempt to impose on us an alien culture of no matter what nature [applause].

In this domain, Belgium, at last accepting the flow of history, has not tried to oppose our independence and is ready to give us their aid and their friendship, and a treaty has just been signed between our two countries, equal and independent. On our side, while we stay vigilant, we shall respect our obligations, given freely.

Thus, in the interior and the exterior, the new Congo, our dear Republic that my government will create, will be a rich, free, and prosperous country. But so that we will reach this aim without delay, I ask all of you, legislators and citizens, to help me with all your strength.

I ask all of you to forget your tribal quarrels. They exhaust us. They risk making us despised abroad.

I ask the parliamentary minority to help my Government through a constructive opposition and to limit themselves strictly to legal and democratic channels.

I ask all of you not to shrink before any sacrifice in order to achieve the success of our huge undertaking.

In conclusion, I ask you unconditionally to respect the life and the property of your fellow citizens and of foreigners living in our country. If the conduct of these foreigners leaves something to be desired, our justice will be prompt in expelling them from the territory of the Republic; if, on the contrary, their conduct is good, they must be left in peace, for they also are working for our country’s prosperity.

The Congo’s independence marks a decisive step towards the liberation of the entire African continent [applause].

Sire, Excellencies, Mesdames, Messieurs, my dear fellow countrymen, my brothers of race, my brothers of struggle– this is what I wanted to tell you in the name of the Government on this magnificent day of our complete independence.

Our government, strong, national, popular, will be the health of our country.

I call on all Congolese citizens, men, women and children, to set themselves resolutely to the task of creating a prosperous national economy which will assure our economic independence.

Glory to the fighters for national liberation!

Long live independence and African unity!

Long live the independent and sovereign Congo!

Fabry Family Home in Bratislava


Our grandfather Pavel “Tata/Tatusko” Fabry, sharing his love of photography with his son, Vladimir “Vlado” Fabry; circa 1920s.


Baby Vlado held by unidentified person, with “Maminka”, our grandmother Olga Fabry-Palka. Vlado was born on 23 November 1920, in Liptovský svätý mikuláš, Czechoslovakia.


Baby Vlado – those ears!


Vlado having a nap.


Vlado’s only sibling, sister Olga “Olinka”, arrives home; she was born 5 October 1927, in Bratislava, Czechoslovakia. Their mother, Olga Fabry-Palka, on far right, dressed in black; brother Vlado is on the left, wearing knee socks and black buckled shoes. This photo, and the rest that follow, show the home our family built in Bratislava – it was seized by the Communists in the coup d’état of 1948, handed over as a gift to Russia, and has ever since been occupied as their embassy. You can see recent photos of our home by searching for “Russian Embassy Bratislava”.


Olinka and Vlado with a nanny.


Maminka, Vlado and Olinka playing in the garden.


Olinka with Tatusko.


Admiring the long stemmed roses that Maminka planted.


This photo, and the two following, were taken around 1930.


Olinka with a friend, Maminka in background.


Mother and daughter, so happy!


These two photos are undated, but it looks like Vlado got what he wanted for his birthday! I’m so glad that these photos were saved, but some of them have curled from improper storage. The American Library Association(ALA) website has advice here, for those of you wondering how to safely flatten your old photos.


Bambi! This was Vlado and Olinka’s pet deer – Olinka told us the story about their deer, that it jumped the fence and crashed the neighbor’s wedding party, eating all the cake – and then the police were chasing it all over town!


Olinka and friend.


Pavel Fabry very likely colorized these photos with his set of Caran d’Ache pencils, some of which we are still using! Dated July 1927.


Vlado and his sister had pretty much the same haircut for a while, but this is Vlado on the stairs.


Marked on back “rodina Fabry v Bratislava” – Fabry family in Bratislava. I recognize Olga Fabry-Palka and her mother, but I am unable to identify the others at this time. The next few photos, showing guests visiting the house, are unmarked – help with identification is appreciated!


Here is one of Vlado, the hat and beard don’t disguise!


Pavel, Vlado, Olga, and Olinka, and a chocolate cake, in the dining room.


Vlado with unidentified guests, waiting for cake!


The family all together!

There are more photos, but first, here are important documents which tell the story of our family and home in Bratislava:

Drafts of Pavel Fabry’s Curriculum Vitae, 11 September 1952, printed here:

“Pavel Svetozar FABRY, LLD, was born on January 14th, 1891 of an old family of industrialists and businessmen. After graduating in business administration, he studied law, attaining the degree of Doctor of Law; passed the bar examinations; and successfully completed the examinations required to qualify for judgeship.
During World-War-I, Mr. Fabry served as officer in an artillery division as well as in the service of the Army’s Judge Advocate-General. He became the first Secretary of the Provisional National Council established to prepare the liberation of Slovakia and the orderly transfer of its administration to the Czechoslovak Government. After the foundation of the Czechoslovak Republic, he was appointed Prefect (chief Government official) for the Eastern part of Slovakia.
When the Communist armies of the Hungarian Government of Bela Kun attacked Slovakia in 1919, Mr. Fabry was named High Commissioner Plenipotentiary for the defense of Eastern Slovakia. In this function he was entrusted with the co-ordination of the civil administration with the military actions of the Czechoslovak Army and of the Allied Military Command of General Mittelhauser. His determined and successful effort to prevent Eastern Slovakia to fall under the domination of Communist Armies – the victorious results of which contributed to the fall of the Communist regime in Hungary – drew on Mr. Fabry the wrath of the Communist leaders; they declared him the “mortal enemy of the people”, led violent press campaigns against him and attacked him overtly and covertly continually and at every opportunity.
After the consolidation of the administrative and political situation of Slovakia, Mr. Fabry left the Government service and returned to his private practice as barrister. He specialized in corporation law and his assistance was instrumental in the founding and expansion of a number of industrial enterprises. He became Chairman or one of the Directors of Trade Associations of several industrial sectors, particularly those concerned with the production of sugar, alcohol, malt and beer. He was elected Chairman of the Economic Committee of the Federation of Industries, and played the leading role in several other organizations. He also was accredited as Counsel to the International Arbitration Tribunal in Paris.
Among civic functions, Mr. Fabry devoted his services particularly to Church, acting as Inspector (lay-head) of his local parish and as member of the Executive Committee of the Lutheran Church of Czechoslovakia. His appointment as delegate to the World Council of Churches’ meeting in Amsterdam in 1948 prompted his arrest by the Communist Government.
Although Mr. Fabry never stood for political office nor for any political party function, he was well known for his democratic and liberal convictions, and for the defense of these principles whenever his activities gave him the opportunity to do so. He earned himself a reputation in this respect which brought him the enmity of the adversaries of democracy from both the right and the left. He became one of the first Slovaks to be sent to a concentration camp following the establishment of a Pro-German fascist regime in 1939. His release could later be arranged and he was able to take active part in the underground resistance movement against the occupant; for this activity the German secret police (Gestapo) ordered his pursuit and execution in 1945, but he was able to escape the death sentence. In spite of his resistance record (or perhaps because of it), Mr. Fabry was among those arrested by the Russian Army, on the instigation of the Communist Party which could not forget his anti-Communist activities dating back all the way to 1919. Due to pressure of public opinion Mr. Fabry’s imprisonment at that time was very short; but when Communist seized power in Czechoslovakia in 1948, they did not miss the opportunity to settle accounts with him. He was removed from all his offices, his property was confiscated, he was imprisoned and subjected to a third degree cross-examination taking six months. No confessions of an admission which could have served as a basis for the formulation of an accusation could, however, be elicited from Mr. Fabry, and he managed to escape from the prison hospital where he was recovering from injuries inflicted during the examination. He succeeded to reach Switzerland in January 1949, where he has continued in his economic activities as member of the Board of Directors, and later President, of an enterprise for the development of new technologies in the field of bottling and food conservation. He was also active in assisting refugees and was appointed as member of the Czechoslovak National Council-in-exile.”

And this, from the September 25, 1961 Congressional Record: “Extension of Remarks of Hon. William W. Scranton of Pennsylvania in the House of Representatives”:

“Mr. SCRANTON. Mr. Speaker, in the tragic air crash in which the world lost the life of Dag Hammarskjold, we also suffered the loss of the life of Dr. Vladimir Fabry, the legal adviser to the United Nations operations in the Congo.
In the following statement by John C. Sciranka, a prominent American Slovak journalist, many of Dr. Fabry’s and his esteemed father’s attributes and good deeds are described. Dr. Fabry’s death is a great loss not only for all Slovaks, but for the whole free world.
Mr Sciranka’s statement follows:

Governor Fabry (Dr. Fabry’s father) was born in Turciansky sv. Martin, known as the cultural center of Slovakia. The Communists dropped the prefix svaty (saint) and call the city only Martin.
The late assistant to Secretary General Hammarskjold, Dr. Vladimir Fabry, inherited his legal talents from his father who studied law in the law school at Banska Stavnica, Budapest, and Berlin. The old Governor before the creation of Czechoslovakia fought for the rights of the Slovak nation during the Austro-Hungarian regime and was imprisoned on several occasions. His first experience as an agitator for Slovak independence proved costly during his student days when he was arrested for advocating freedom for his nation. Later the military officials arrested him on August 7, 1914, for advocating a higher institute of education for the Slovakian youth in Moravia. This act kept him away from the front and held him back as clerk of the Bratislava court.
He was well equipped to aid the founders of the first Republic of Czechoslovakia, which was created on American soil under the guidance and aid of the late President Woodrow Wilson. After the creation of the new republic he was made Governor (zupan) of the County of Saris, from which came the first Slovak pioneers to this city and county. Here he was confronted with the notorious Communist Bela Kun, who made desperate efforts to get control of Czechoslovakia. This successful career of elder Governor Fabry was followed by elevation as federal commissioner of the city of Kosice in eastern Slovakia.
But soon he resigned this post and opened a law office in Bratislava, with a branch office in Paris and Switzerland. The Governor’s experience at the international court gave a good start to his son Vladimir, who followed in the footsteps of his father. During World War II the elder Fabry was imprisoned by the Nazi regime and young Vladimir was an underground resistance fighter.
Dr. Vladimir Fabry, 40-year-old legal adviser to Secretary Dag Hammarskjold with the United Nations operation in Congo, who perished in the air tragedy, was born in Liptovsky Svaty Mikulas Slovakia. He received his doctor’s degree in law and political science from the Slovak University in Bratislava in 1942 and was admitted to the bar the following year. He was called to the United Nations Secretariat in 1946 by his famous countryman and statesman, Dr. Ivan Kerno, who died last winter in New York City after a successful career as international lawyer and diplomat and who served with the United Nations since its inception. Dr. Vladimir Fabry helped to organize postwar Czechoslovakia. His family left the country after the Communist putsch in February 1948. His sister Olga is also in the service of the United Nations in New York City [as a Librarian.-T]. His father, the former Governor, died during a visit to Berlin before his 70th birthday, which the family was planning to celebrate on January 14, 1961, in Geneva.
Before going to the Congo in February, Dr. Fabry had been for a year and a half the legal and political adviser with the United Nations Emergency Force in the Middle East. In 1948, he was appointed legal officer with the Security Council’s Good Offices Committee on the Indonesian question. He later helped prepare legal studies for a Jordan Valley development proposal. He also participated in the organization of the International Atomic Energy Agency. After serving with the staff that conducted the United Nations Togaland plebiscite in 1956, he was detailed to the Suez Canal clearance operation, winning a commendation for his service.
Dr. Vladimir Fabry became a U.S. citizen 2 years ago. He was proud of his Slovak heritage, considering the fact that his father served his clerkship with such famous Slovak statesmen as Paul Mudron, Andrew Halasa, Jan Vanovic, and Jan Rumann, who played important roles in modern Slovak history.
American Slovaks mourn his tragic death and they find consolation only in the fact that he worked with, and died for the preservation of world peace and democracy with such great a leader as the late Dag Hammarskjold.”


The C.V. of Pavel Fabry from 17 December 1955, which I translated a while back; the letterhead on this first page is from the Consulate General of the Federal Republic of Germany, Geneva.


This is the C.V. of our grandmother Olga Fabry, which I have not yet translated. The following statement was made on her behalf, from 30 November 1956:
“I, Samuel Bellus, of 339 East 58th Street, New York 22, New York, hereby state and depose as follows:
That this statement is being prepared by me at the request of Mrs. Olga Viera Fabry, nee Palka, who formerly resided in Bratislava, Czechoslovakia, but since 1948 has become a political refugee and at present resides at 14, Chemin Thury, Geneva, Switzerland;
That I have known personally the said Mrs. Olga Viera Fabry and other members of her family and have maintained a close association with them since the year 1938, and that I had opportunity to observe directly, or obtain first hand information on, the events hereinafter referred to, relating to the persecution which Mrs. Olga Viera Fabry and the members of her family had to suffer at the hands of exponents of the Nazi regime;
That in connection with repeated arrests of her husband, the said Mrs. Fabry has been during the years 1939 – 1944 on several occasions subject to interrogations, examinations and searches, which were carried out in a brutal and inhumane manner by members of the police and of the “Sicherheitsdienst” with the object of terrorizing and humiliating her;
That on a certain night on or about November 1940 Mrs. Fabry, together with other members of her family, was forcibly expelled and deported under police escort from her residence at 4 Haffner Street, Bratislava, where she was forced to leave behind all her personal belongings except one small suitcase with clothing;
That on or about January 1941 Mrs. Fabry was ordered to proceed to Bratislava and to wait in front of the entrance to her residence for further instructions, which latter order was repeated for several days in succession with the object of exposing Mrs. Fabry to the discomforts of standing long hours without protection from the intense cold weather and subjecting her to the shame of making a public show of her distress; and that during that time humiliating and derisive comments were made about her situation in public broadcasts;
That the constant fear, nervous tension and worry and the recurring shocks caused by the arrests and deportations to unknown destinations of her husband by exponents of the Nazi regime had seriously affected the health and well-being of Mrs. Fabry during the years 1939 – 1944, so that on several such occasions of increased strain she had to be placed under medical care to prevent a complete nervous breakdown; and
That the facts stated herein are true to the best of my knowledge and belief.”


The first page of Pavel’s C.V., 1955.

This is my translation of the last three pages of Pavel’s C.V., pages 11-13, with photos included to compare and help improve the translation:
“After the Persecution Today

“As the so-called Russian Liberation Army in Slovakia – consuming (raubend) more than liberating – invaded our city, I was immediately arrested and led into the basement of the NKVD, where I found quite a few others arrested. The public, especially the workers in awareness that I freed from deportation a few days before, chose to stand up and with the deputation of workers demanded the immediate release from liability. But the commander of the NKVD also had the deputation arrested and had me lead them into the cellar. The workers union had accumulated in front of the Villa and vigorously demanded the release from liability, whereupon the commander turned to the High command in Kosice, whereupon we were released – seven and a few, but the rest were to be deported to Siberia. The NKVD commander later said I was arrested on the basis of the request of the Hungarian Communists, because I, as High Commissioner in 1919, acted so harshly (so schroff) against the troops of Bela Kun. And he said that if I was released now, I would not be spared Siberia.
The public had reacted sharply. I immediately became an honorary citizen of the circle and an honorary member of the National Committee, elected unanimously, and I was given the two highest honors.
The spontaneous demonstrations of the public gave me the strength to forcefully intervene against many attacks, and also to help my fellow Germans and give confirmation that they behaved decently during the Hitler era, and to stifle all individual personal attacks of vengeance in the bud. As I have already mentioned, I was able to help the internees that they not go to the Soviet zone, as was planned, but were sent to West Germany and Austria. I was a daily visitor to collection centers and in prisons, to help where help was justified.”


“My parlous state of health has not allowed me to carry my work further. The law firm I have has only a limited representation of associates, and these are only my best performing workers.
After the Communist coup performed by Russian Deputy Foreign Minister [Valerian] Zorin for the Communists, the time is broken up with invoices to settle for my work against Communism as High Commissioner in 1919. And on the instructions of the insulted Mátyás Rákosi I was first of all relieved of all my functions and representatives, and subjected to all possible harassment, interrogations, etc. When I went to the delegation, as elected President of the Financial and Economic Committee of the General Assembly of the World Council of Churches, in Amsterdam, and was asked for my passport, I was arrested on the pretext of excessive imaginary charges. My whole fortune was taken, all accounts were confiscated and my Villa locked with furnishings, clothes, supplies, and everything, since it was the Consul-General of Russia; and on the same evening I was arrested as a “National Gift”, the nation was taken over, and in the night the Russians transferred the land register.
And so, my health still shattered by the persecution these Nazi monsters caused, they transferred me to the locked section of the hospital to make interrogations there. After seven months detention [In another document it says only 6 months, which I will include here, after this testimony.-T] the workers and employees of some companies succeeded to liberate me in the night on January 21-22, 1949, and led me to a kamion near the border. I had foreseen that the police would know about my escape during the night, and that’s why I escaped (uberschreitete ?) to the Hungarian border with Austria, and again by the Austrian border, since I was immediately searched with many dogs.
I managed with the help of my friends to leave the Soviet zone disguised, and made it to Switzerland where I anticipated my wife and daughter. [I have an audio recording of Olga Fabry, Pavel’s daughter, where she says that her father escaped from the prison hospital dressed as a nun, and made it across the Swiss border by train, hiding inside a beer barrel.-T]
The Swiss authorities immediately received me as a political refugee and assured me of asylum, and issued all the necessary travel documents.”


“To this day I am constantly witness to the most amiable concessions by the Swiss authorities.
In my description of illness, my activity in Switzerland is already cited.
Accustomed to the work of life, and since my health no longer permits regular employment, I have adopted the assistance of refugees. Since Geneva was the center of the most important refugee organizations, I was flooded with requests by the refugees of Western Europe.
I took part on the board of the Refugee Committee in Zurich and Austria, after most refugees came from Slovakia to Austria, and I had to check very carefully if there were any refugees that had been disguised. I was then elected as President of the Refugee Committee, but on the advice of the doctors treating me I had to adjust this activity, because through this work my health did not improve. Nevertheless, I succeeded in helping assist 1200 refugees in the decisive path of new existence.
Otherwise, I remain active in the Church organizations. All this human activity I naturally consider to be honorary work, and for this and for travel I never asked for a centime.
Since I am more than 62 years old, all my attempts to find international employment failed, because regulations prohibit taking on an employee at my age. It was the same case with domestic institutions.
My profession as a lawyer I can exercise nowhere, since at my age nostrification of law diplomas was not permitted. To start a business or involvement I lacked the necessary capital – since I have lost everything after my arrests by the Communists, what had remained from the persecution.
And so I expect at least the compensation for my damages in accordance with the provisions applicable to political refugees.”


Credentials for Pavel Fabry to attend the First Assembly of the World Council of Churches in Amsterdam, as a representative of the Evangelical church in Slovakia, signed by the bishop of the general church, dated 22 March 1948.


This is a photocopy of a photostatic copy, a statement written by the General Secretary and the Assistant General Secretary of the World Council of Churches, Geneva, dated 25 March 1948:
“To whom it may concern: This is to certify that Dr. Pavel FABRY, Czechoslovakian, born 14.1.1891[14 January] at Turčiansky Sv Martin, has been appointed as participant in the First General Assembly of the World Council of Churches, to be held in Amsterdam, Holland, from August 22nd to September 4th 1948.
We shall appreciate any courtesy on the part of Dutch and other consular authorities shown to participants in order to facilitate their coming to Amsterdam.”

From what I am able to translate, these next two documents seem to be asking Pavel to ‘voluntarily’ give up a lot of money or else, dated 1 March and 1 April 1948:

Attacks against Pavel Fabry were made in the communist newspaper PRAVDA, all clippings are from 1948, one is dated by hand 26th of August:




From 4 October 1948, this letter was written to Olinka, who was a student in 1947 at St. George’s School, Clarens, Switzerland:


“[…]We had Czech visitors a few days ago, a Mr. and Mrs. Debnar [sp?] from Bratislava, and we were deeply distressed to hear from him that Mr. Fabry had been taken off to a camp. Very, very much sympathy to you all[…]”

This is a letter from Vlado to Constantin Stavropoulos, written while he was on assignment for the United Nations in Indonesia, dated 10 October 1948. Vlado was asking for help in getting another assignment, so he could be closer to his family who needed him. I am appreciating more and more the emotional strain Vlado was under while writing this. Trygve Lie was the Secretary-General of the United Nations at this time.


“It’s more than a month now, that I received your cable that there is a possibility of an assigment for me in the Palestine commision, and that you will write me more about it – but I didn’t hear about the assignment anything since. The news which here and there trickle through from Paris or Geneva are not too good. They seem to indicate that I am not welcome there, not only as official, but not even as a visitor and that I should wander around or hide myself as a criminal. It looks as if the administration of my department /and from what they say, the administration of the whole organization as well/ would consider me as an outcast, who in addition to his other sins adds a really unforgivable one – that he behaves and expects treatment as if he would not be an outcast /at least that is what I understood from a letter written to my mother, that I should have voluntarily resigned a long time ago/. Excuse my bitterness – but I am simply not able to understand the attitude which is still taken against me – neither from the legal point of view of my rights and obligations under my existing contract, neither from a moral and ethical point of view which an organization representing such high aims to the outside must surely have towards itself. Sometimes I am [wondering], if the best would not be to let it come to a showdown and have it over once and for ever – it really is getting and obsession under which I have to live and to work all the time, specially since the UN employment means not only mine, but also my mothers and sisters /and maybe my fathers/ security and status. But exactly this consideration of my family’s dependence on it make me cautious and give me patience to try to get along without too much push. But, on the other hand, my cautiousness and fear to risk too much put me in the position of a beggar for favour, which is ipso facto a very bad one -/people who don’t care, or at least don’t show that they care, achieve things so much easier/- and which in addition I do not know how to act properly.[…]”

Further evidence comes from Washington state, U.S.A., from the Spokane Daily Chronicle 19 September 1961, “Crash Victim Known in City”:

“Vladimir Fabry, killed in the plane crash that claimed the life of Dag Hammarskjold yesterday in Northern Rhodesia, visited Spokane three years ago.

Fabry, U.S. legal adviser to the United Nations in the Congo is a close friend of Teckla M Carlson, N1727 Atlantic, and he and his sister, Olga, also a UN employee, were her house guests in 1958.

A travel agent, Mrs. Carlson first met Fabry in 1949 at Geneva after he had succeeded in having his father released from a concentration camp. The Spokane woman said they have exchanged letters since that time.”

Havla 1989.jpg
By Marc Dragul - Own work, CC BY-SA 3.0, Link


Vaclav Havel, 17 November 1989, honoring Jan Opletal and others who died in the Prague protests of 1939. This was the start of the Velvet Revolution, which ended on 29 December 1989 with Vaclav Havel elected as President of Czechoslovakia, the end of 41 years of Communist rule.

Before continuing with the next documents and photos from 1990 to 2002, here is a copy of a letter dated 14 April 1948, from Dr. Ivan Kerno, who was Assistant to the Secretary-General Trygve Lie at the United Nations, and head of the legal department, giving his commendation of Vlado’s work. Dr. Kerno was instrumental in Vlado getting his position at the U.N., and was a good friend to the family.

Dr. Kerno’s son, Ivan, who was also a lawyer, would later help Vlado’s sister Olga in 1990, as they were both seeking restitution, and needed someone to investigate the status of their houses in Prague and Bratislava. This fax from Prague is addressed to Mr. Krno, dated 20 November 1990, from lawyer Dr. Jaroslav Sodomka. Dr. Sodomka writes that the Fabry house was “taken in 1951-52[the dates are handwritten over an area that looks whited-out] and later donated to the USSR (1955)[the date and parentheses are also handwritten over a whited-out area].”



“[…]As for Mrs. Burgett I shall also get the remaining extracts; here the problem is clear, be it under the small restitution law or under the rehabilitation law, the house will not be restituted as it became property of the USSR and the Czechoslovak government – probably the Ministry of Foreign Affairs – will have to provide the compensation.”

In response to this fax, Ivan Kerno writes to Sodomka, 7 December 1990:
“[…]please do not take any action with the authorities in connection with her house. She wants a restitution of her house, namely, to receive possession of the house, and is not interested in receiving a monetary compensation.
I have read in the New York Times this morning that the Czechoslovakian government has announced that it will compensate persons who have been politically persecuted or jailed under the former regime. This is a clear indication that the present government considers the actions of the former Communist government to have been illegal. It is also a definite precedent for the restitution of family homes which were illegally taken by the previous government and handed over to a foreign government.[…]”

This map shows our property in Bratislava, outlined in red:

From 3 January 1991, Sodomka once again writes to confirm that the house was confiscated in 1951, and donated to USSR in 1955:

“[…]As for your client Fabry, I think that it would be appropriate to address the demand for the restitution directly to the Chairman of the Slovak Government as it was the Slovak Government which has donated the house in 1955 to the USSR Government. This matter also is not touched by the small Restitution Law, the confiscation took place already in 1951 but I think that it would be appropriate to start to speak already now with the Slovak Government.[…]”

Olga Fabry returned to Czechoslovakia with her husband in June 1992, for the first time since her exile, to see the house. This next letter is dated 27 April 1992, and is addressed to Consul General Mr. Vladimir Michajlovic Polakov, Russian Consulate General, Bratislava:

“Dear Sir,
I would like to request an appointment with you on June 17th or 18th 1992 whichever would be convenient.
I plan to be in Bratislava at that time and would like to discuss with you matters pertaining to the villa that my parents built, where I was born and grew up and which now houses your Consulate.
I would greatly appreciate it if you would be kind enough to let me know in writing when I can see you. Thank you.
Sincerely,
Olga Burgett nee Fabry”

This is an undated letter from the Russian embassy in Bratislava(our house), the postal cancellation is hard to decipher but appears to be from June 5 1992, and there is a written note to “HOLD Away or on Vacation”. This may have arrived while Olga and her husband were already in Czechoslovakia – finding this waiting back home in New York, I can only imagine how she must have felt! This contradicts what Lawyer Sodomka told her, but it confirms Pavel’s testimony: the house was taken in 1948.

“Dear Mrs. Burgett,
With reference to your letter dated 27.04.1992 we inform you that at your request you have the opportunity to survey the villa while your stay in Bratislava. But we attract your attention to the fact that all the matters, pertaining to the right of property for the villa you should discuss with C.S.F.R. Foreign Office. Since 1948 the villa is the property of the Russian Federation and houses now Gen. cosulate[sic] of Russia.
Yours faithfully
Secretary of the Gen. consulate of Russia in Bratislava
S. Rakitin”

These photos were taken in June 1992, during Olga’s visit. The roses Maminka planted were still growing strong.





These two are undated, unmarked.

Lastly, the most recent photos I have, dated 25 July 2002, and the roses were still blooming.




When you search for images of the “Russian Embassy Bratislava”, you see the roses have all been removed now, and there is a new tiered fountain, but if you can ignore the flag of Russia and the gilded emblem of the federation hanging off the balustrade, it still looks like our house!

And now, because love is the reason I tell this story for my family, I leave you with my favorite photos of Pavel and Olga Fabry, who did so much good out of love!













56 Years Ago Today

In memory of the 16 who died in Ndola, here is some of the collection from my mother-in-law, Olga Fabry, who carefully saved all the documents and mementos I share here. Vlado was only 40 years old when he died, a man who was very much loved by his family and friends, and my thoughts are with all the relatives around the world who remember their family on this day. The struggle against racism and white supremacy continues for us, let us not forget their example of courage to resist, and to fight for justice.

Program from the first wreath laying ceremony at UN Headquarters, one year after the crash, 17 September 1962:



Invitation from Acting Secretary-General, U Thant, to Madame Fabry:

Letter and commemorative UN stamps from U Thant to Olga Fabry:


Signatures from UN staff were collected from all over the world to fill this two-volume set of books in memory of Vladimir Fabry:

Signatures from UN Headquarters in New York include Ralph Bunche, and his wife Ruth:


Signatures from Geneva Headquarters and a message from John A. Olver:

Telegrams from friends in every country:

Among them, a message of sympathy from the King of Sweden relayed through Ralph Bunche:

And a cable from Jozef Lettrich:

UN cables express the loss of a dear friend and highly valued colleague:


Newspaper clippings from 1961 and 1962, the first one with a photo of Olga Fabry and her mother at the funeral in Geneva, Switzerland:







The investigation will coming up for review in the General Assembly, and for those who think we should give up and be quiet about it already after all these years, Dag Hammarskjold said it best: “Never, “for the sake of peace and quiet,” deny your own experience or convictions.”